Tag: anti labor
Kevin Roberts

Project 2025's Extreme Agenda Is An Attack On Unions And All Workers

Project 2025, a sprawling right-wing plan to provide policy and staffing to a future Republican president, proposes an extreme anti-worker agenda that would severely curtail unions’ ability to collectively bargain on behalf of their members and reverse gains organized labor has made in recent years. It would also weaken overtime regulations, give corporations wider latitude in misclassifying workers as independent contractors, and dismantle safety regulations that prohibit young people from working dangerous jobs.

The initiative’s policy book, Mandate for Leadership, is an attempt to roll back New Deal-era, working class victories by allowing state-level exemptions from the National Labor Relations Act and the Fair Labor Standards Act, and by creating nonunion “employee involvement organizations” to undermine unions’ negotiating power. It additionally calls for sharp reductions in the budgets of the National Labor Relations Board and the Department of Labor and a freeze on new hires.

Project 2025 is organized by The Heritage Foundation and includes more than 100 conservative groups on its advisory board, which have collectively received more than $55 million from groups tied to conservative megadonors Leonard Leo and Charles Koch. Leo has been pushing the Supreme Court to further erode the power of organized labor, and the Koch family has waged a war on unions for more than 60 years.

Project 2025: Eviscerate overtime and dismantle pro-worker regulations

One central proposal in Mandate that illuminates Project 2025’s extreme anti-work posture is the suggestion that employers should be allowed to eviscerate overtime regulations and potentially withhold pay. The attacks on overtime take several forms, including a proposal to allow workers to accrue vacation instead of time-and-a-half compensation — but at least 40 percent of lower- and middle-income workers already don’t use their allotted paid time off. Under this policy employers could coerce workers into “voluntarily” selecting vacation that they’re either formally or informally prohibited from taking, thereby denying them overtime compensation.

Project 2025 further recommends that workers and bosses agree to extend the overtime threshold to a period of two weeks or one month. The policy would empower management to overload busy weeks with extra-long shifts and take advantage of slow periods through under-scheduling — effectively eliminating overtime altogether.

Another related attack on overtime comes in the form of allowing workers to negotiate away national employment law rights like time-and-a-half pay in exchange for noncompensation benefits like “predictable scheduling.” Such a change could incentivize predatory scheduling practices in order to coerce workers to give up overtime. If that’s not enough, Mandate also suggests returning to a Trump-era regulation that would deny overtime to most employees making more than $679 per week or $35,000 annually, which would leave behind millions of workers.

At virtually every turn, Mandate for Leadership stacks the deck against workers, including opening up young people to exploitation in dangerous jobs.

  • It seeks to revert to a Trump-era law that allows employers to categorize workers as independent contractors, thus denying them benefits and legal protections extended to employees.
  • It significantly dismantles safety protections for workers by directing Congress and the Department of Labor to “exempt small business, first-time, non-willful violators from fines issued by the Occupational Health and Safety Administration.”
  • It argues that due to “worker shortages in dangerous fields,” with “parental consent and proper training, certain young adults should be allowed to learn and work in more dangerous occupations.” This proposal is even more alarming when paired with Mandate’s call to exempt states from the FLSA, which governs child labor laws.

Despite a superficial concern for workers from the MAGA movement, Project 2025’s recommendations would be disastrous for the working class and a boon to economic elites.

A return to company unionism

Project 2025 seeks to roll back New Deal-era labor victories by proposing that Congress “pass legislation allowing waivers from federal labor laws” — like the National Labor Relations Act and the Fair Labor Standards Act — “under certain conditions.” Allowing state-level exemptions to the NLRA and FLSA would almost certainly trigger a race-to-the-bottom dynamic, where firms relocate to states with the weakest (or nonexistent) labor protections at the expense of workers. That’s what happened in states that passed so-called “right-to-work” laws — which starve unions of resources by preventing them from collecting fees from all employees they represent, thereby creating a free-rider problem — where employers were able to depress wages and union membership.

Unions have made significant gains under the Biden administration’s National Labor Relations Board, which enforces labor law and investigates anti-union practices. That progress is largely thanks to NLRB general counsel Jennifer Abruzzo, who has taken an aggressive, pro-worker enforcement posture. Project 2025 promises to fire her on “Day One.” It also calls for reductions in the budgets of the NLRB and the Department of Labor to the “low end of the historical average,” as well as implementing a “hiring freeze for career officials.”

Mandate’s anti-unionism extends beyond funding cuts and a personnel freeze to attack unions at their core — most significantly, by suggesting that Congress “pass labor reforms that create non-union ‘employee involvement organizations.’” Although Mandate offers few details on what purpose these EIOs would serve, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) proposed similar legislation in 2022; his bill makes it explicit that these organizations “are not unions and ‘cannot enter into collective bargaining agreements.’” EIOs would signal a return to the days of company unionism, stripping power from workers by providing employers with what pro-labor think tank the People’s Policy Project calls “another union avoidance tool” and diluting the membership and voting power of actual unions. Like in Rubio’s bill, Mandate’s EIOs would place a “a non-voting, supervisory member” on the board of directors at large, publicly traded companies — an entirely powerless role incapable of advancing workers’ interests.

Project 2025 would further undermine unions by eliminating “card check” — where a majority of workers who have signed union authorization forms can ask their employer for voluntary recognition — and mandating “the secret ballot exclusively.” Although the idea of a secret ballot has the veneer of democracy, in practice it’s a power grab for management. By forcing organizers to go through the byzantine NLRB election process, an employer can buy itself time to wage an anti-union campaign and bog down the process, often through illegal means. A 2019 study found that employers violated labor laws in 41.5% of NLRB-supervised union elections in 2016 and 2017 and intimidated or coerced workers in nearly a third of all elections.

The structural power imbalance is exacerbated by the huge discrepancy in resources between the parties. Every year, employers spend more than $400 million just on consultants in their attempts to thwart union drives. When coupled with anti-worker harassment, that’s money well spent from the point of view of management. A 2022 study found that union elections through the NLRB were successful “in less than 10% of cases where the employer resists the organizing effort to the point that an unfair labor practice charge is filed.”

In 2023, the NLRB under Abruzzo provided unions with a major win by ruling that if an employer is found to have violated labor law during the course of an election campaign, it must immediately recognize the union — without requiring an election — and move to contract negotiations. Mandate would reverse that ruling.

Mandate additionally looks to roll back Biden administration NLRB protections for “protected concerted activity” — that is, actions workers take to better their working conditions, even outside of attempts to form a union. Project 2025 looks to return to the Trump administration’s interpretation, which took a very narrow view of what was protected and opened up workers to retaliation from their bosses for actions like discussing workplace safety concerns with fellow workers.

Project 2025’s war on organized labor in its own words

  • Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts: “Congress should rescind the federal charter of the National Education Association—the only union that enjoys a federal charter—no longer putting the federal imprimatur of support on the special interest group.” [Heritage.org, 1/9/24]
  • Jonathan Berry, author of the labor chapter in Mandate, writing at American Compass: “In practice, modern unions in the American private sector are beset by serious agency problems that limit their effectiveness as institutions for individual workers to share in the common good.” [American Compass, accessed 7/9/24]
  • The Heritage Foundation budget blueprint for fiscal years 2023: “The Department of Labor’s Women’s Bureau should be eliminated.” [Heritage.org, 2022]
  • Heritage: “How to Close Down the Department of Labor.” [Heritage.org, 10/19/95]
  • War Room host and key booster of Project 2025 Steve Bannon: “If Nevada is Close They Will Steal it with the Culinary Union.” [Gettr, 3/21/24; Media Matters, 11/9/23]
  • Stephen Moore, Heritage Foundation fellow: “Why Every State Should Guarantee the Right to Work.” [Heritage.org, 7/17/2014]
  • Claremont Review of Books, a media outlet affiliated with Project 2025 advisory board member the right-wing Claremont Institute: “Right-to-work laws make it easier for states to attract businesses, because many companies prefer to locate in right-to-work states, believing that unions not only drive up costs but reduce productivity with baroque work rules and adversarial stances.” [Claremont Review of Books, Summer 2015]

Go deeper into Project 2025’s attacks on workers

  • Jonathan Berry, author of Mandate’s chapter on labor, was a top official in the Labor Department under Trump — which was catastrophic for workers. Trump’s labor secretary, Eugene Scalia, was a “wrecking ball aimed at workers” who had spent decades in his career as a lawyer “helping corporations gut or evade government regulations, including worker protections.” During Scalia’s tenure, with Berry “overseeing all aspects of rulemaking and policy development,” millions of workers were denied overtime benefits. [The New Yorker, 10/19/20; Economic Policy Institute, 9/24/19; Mandate for Leadership, 2023]
  • Unions are building power in the United States, but Project 2025 would likely curtail the National Labor Relations Board’s progress. A June study found that “workers today have a better chance of winning their union representation election than at any point in the past 15 years, with a win rate of more than 70 percent.” Project 2025’s promise to remove NLRB General Counsel Abruzzo, alongside its other anti-union proposals, would likely halt those gains and result in fewer employers being held accountable for their anti-worker, law-breaking tactics. [Center for American Progress, 6/20/24]
  • Mandate for Leadership’s policies could allow firms to discriminate against LGBTQ communities while at work. The guidebook recommends restricting the Supreme Court’s ruling in Bostock v. Clayton County — which extended civil rights protections to gay and trans people — to apply only to hiring and firing decisions. Other types of workplace discrimination, such as enforcing dress codes or denying workers access to a bathroom that corresponds to their gender identity, would theoretically be permitted under this regulatory regime. [GLAAD, 6/24/24; Mandate for Leadership, 2023]
  • Project 2025 further opens the door to workplace discrimination against LGBTQ people by pushing a false definition of so-called “biological binary” sex. “The President should direct agencies to rescind regulations interpreting sex discrimination provisions as prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, transgender status, sex characteristics, etc,” the book states, adding: “The President should direct agencies to focus their enforcement of sex discrimination laws on the biological binary meaning of ‘sex.’” [Mandate for Leadership, 2023]
  • Like other sections of the document, the chapter on labor takes aim at abortion rights. It argues that Congress and the Department of Labor should “clarify” that states have the power to “to restrict abortion, surrogacy, or other anti-life [employee] ‘benefits.’” [Mandate for Leadership, 2023]

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters.

Amazon workers speak out against online retail giant

Amazon Workers Reveal Shocking Conditions Following Deaths In Alabama

Amazon employees spoke out against the e-commerce giant in a Wednesday video about the recent deaths of workers at a warehouse in Bessemer, Alabama—which has garnered national attention this year for controversy related to a unionization effort.

Labor journalist Kim Kelly interviewed Amazon workers Isaiah Thomas and Perry Connelly for More Perfect Union. They discussed the deaths, including two people who died within hours of each other in late November.

Kelly, who called those who came forward "heroes," tweeted that "Amazon is literally working people to death, and expects us to ignore it."

The video notes that according to workers, at least two of the six employees who died were denied leave by managers.

"Something has to be done," Thomas says. "This is insane. How long are we gonna wait until somebody else dies?"

Connelly suggests that Amazon sees and treats its warehouse workers as bodies, and "once that body's used up, they'll just bring somebody else in" to do the work.

"What happens if I drop?" he asks. "I'm just gonna be... another body."

Amazon did not respond to More Perfect Union's request for comment. However, viewers had a lot to say.

"This is a must-watch," Jobs With Justice tweeted of the video. "Amazon must be held accountable for its treatment of workers. All too often, it's a life-or-death situation."

Sarah Miller, executive director of the American Economic Liberties Project, said that "this is horrible" and the video reminded her of reading an "absolutely chilling passage" in Charles Duhigg's 2019 report for The New Yorker about Amazon's "total disregard for life when building its delivery network."

ALIGN, an alliance of labor and community groups in New York, pointed out that six more Amazon workers died earlier this month when a tornado caused a partial collapse at an Illinois warehouse.

The group called More Perfect Union's video "powerful" and said that "Amazon is killing workers."

The video comes as Amazon faces growing scrutiny for its treatment of employees and follows a National Labor Relations Board regional director last month ordering a new union election in Bessemer after allegations that the company illegally interfered with an unsuccessful vote in April.

Article reprinted with permission from Alternet

The Red-State Trend That’s Coming To A Blue State Near You

The Red-State Trend That’s Coming To A Blue State Near You

Reprinted with permission fromAlterNet.

So-called right-to-work laws—which are more accurately described as right-to-work-for-less laws, anti-union laws, or poverty-producing laws—used to be a largely southern phenomenon in the United States. In the 20th century, cities in the northern U.S., from Philadelphia, Boston, New York City, and Baltimore to Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Detroit, and Milwaukee, were considered union towns, while many of the southern states were infamous for their hostility to organized labor. But in the 2010s, “right-to-work” laws have been making considerable progress in northern states. And far-right Republicans like Joe Wilson and Steve King in the House of Representatives have been calling for a right-to-work law to be enacted nationwide.

If a national “right-to-work” law were to be passed in both the House and the Senate (where it could face a Democratic filibuster), President Donald Trump—a supporter of right-to-work legislation—would likely sign it. In that case, all 50 states would become right-to-work states whether they liked it or not. But even without a national right-to-work law, anti-union legislation now prevails in Michigan, Wisconsin, and other states that were once known for strong union protections.

Right-to-work laws gained considerable ground in the southern states 70 years ago, when Congress passed the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947 — a.k.a. the Taft-Hartley Act — and overrode a veto from President Harry Truman (who considered the law anti-union). The U.S.’ labor movement had grown considerably under President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s and early 1940s—especially in the northern states and the Rust Belt—and Taft-Hartley, which was designed to slow down that growth, allowed individual states to pass right-to-work laws if they wanted them.

Under Taft-Hartley, employees in a right-to-work state could not be compelled to join a union or pay union dues. A pattern began to emerge: Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, Georgia, Arkansas, and North Carolina all became right-to-work-for-less states in 1947, while union representation was much stronger in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, New York, Illinois, and other states that didn’t adopt right-to-work laws. So if workers became employed in a unionized shop in Philadelphia or Detroit, for example, it was understood that they would be joining a union, paying union dues, and enjoying all the benefits and advantages that came with unionization.

Although union leaders detested the Taft-Harley law and unsuccessfully fought for its repeal in the 1950s and ’60s, the U.S. on the whole remained heavily unionized during those decades. Around 35% of U.S. workers—slightly more than one-third—were union members in 1954, but in 2012, that number was down to 11.3%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (among private-sector workers, it was a mere 6.6%). Republicans, in 2012, were delighted to see unions having lost so much ground, and they were especially happy to see a great deal of anti-union activity in what had been traditionally pro-union parts of the country.

Although Barack Obama enjoyed strong union support when he was elected president in 2008 and re-elected in 2012, many far-right Republicans were elected at the federal, local or state levels in 2010 and 2014. One of them was Rick Snyder, who was elected governor of Michigan in 2010 and signed a right-to-work bill into law in that state in 2012. Indiana also became a right-to-work state that year, and in 2015, Wisconsin became a right-to-work state under Republican Gov. Scott Walker.

Kentucky and West Virginia—two of the more union-friendly southern states in the past—have also adopted right-to-work laws in recent years, and Missouri, under Republican Gov. Eric Greitens, became a right-to-work state in February.

Nonetheless, some northern states have so far resisted right-to-work laws, including Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Illinois, Delaware, Ohio, and the New England states. But if Republicans in Congress, with the help of Trump, succeed in passing a national right-to-work law, it will override any opposition on the part of Democratic governors like Tom Wolf in Pennsylvania or Andrew Cuomo in New York.

During a visit to Johnstown, PA in 2014, Wolf explained why he opposes making Pennsylvania a right-to-work state.

“I don’t really understand the logic behind it,” Wolf said. “In a democratic system, where the majority of workers vote to join a union, I’m not sure what gives a minority the right to say, ‘We’ll take advantage of the benefits of the union, but we’re not going to pay for the cost.’ It’s sort of like me, if I don’t vote for a particular governor, does that give me the right to say I’m not going to pay my taxes but I am going to use the roads and the bridges and things like that? I don’t think so. It seems to me it strikes at the heart of democratic fairness.”

The Pennsylvania AFL-CIO has sided with Wolf, saying that so-called right-to-work laws “weaken the best job security protections workers have: the union contract” and that it will oppose any bills that try to make Pennsylvania a right-to-work state. But union-bashing Republicans dominate Pennsylvania’s state legislature, and at the federal level, far-right Sen. Pat Toomey—who narrowly defeated Democrat Katie McGinty in 2016 and was reelected to a second term—is an enthusiastic “right-to-work” supporter. While Philadelphia is controlled by Democrats and has long been a bastion of union activity, Central Pennsylvania (jokingly referred to as Pennsissippi or Pennsyltucky) is full of Republicans who would love to make Pennsylvania a right-to-work state.

The fact that Trump, as filmmaker Michael Moore predicted, won three Rust Belt states (Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin) a Republican presidential candidate hadn’t won since the 1980s, underscores the inroads Republicans made in the northern U.S. during the Obama era. And many of them have been overtly hostile to unions, from Toomey to Rick Snyder to Scott Walker (who aggressively pushed for a law that in 2011, stripped most of Wisconsin’s public-sector workers of their collective bargaining rights).

Although Ohio has a Republican governor, John Kasich, and went for Trump in 2016, it has yet to become a right-to-work state. But John Boyd, director of labor and legal affairs for the Ohio Chamber of Commerce, has been claiming that with Michigan, Indiana and Wisconsin having become right-to-work states, Ohio is now at a competitive disadvantage. And when in January, officials in the township of West Chester north of Cincinnati were calling for a local right-to-work law, Boyd noted, “Four out of the five states surrounding Ohio are now right-to-work.” The Ohio AFL-CIO, meanwhile, was vocal in its opposition to the West Chester proposal.

The AFL-CIO has also been attacking proposals to make New Hampshire New England’s first right-to-work state. In January, the GOP-controlled New Hampshire Senate passed a right-to-work bill, which the AFL-CIO, the National Education Association and the Teamsters denounced as “an attack on all working families by special interests seeking to lower wages for everyone and undermine worker protections.” And New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, a Republican and right-to-work for less advocate, would have signed it into law. But in February, the bill was defeated in the New Hampshire House of Representatives. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, unionization in New Hampshire has decreased from 11.1% in 2011 to 9.7% in 2015—and the bill, had it passed, would have likely brought that number down even more.

When the AFL-CIO and other critics of right-to-work laws describe them as “right-to-work-for-less” laws, they aren’t merely being rhetorical; research demonstrates that right-to-work promotes inferior working conditions. In 2011, a study by the Economic Policy Institute found that wages in right-to-work states were “3.2% lower than those in non-RTW states” and that the rate of employer-sponsored health insurance was “2.6 percentage points lower in RTW states compared with non-RTW states….If workers in non-RTW states were to receive ESI at this lower rate, 2 million fewer workers nationally would be covered.” The study also found the rate of employer-sponsored pensions to be “4.8 percentage points lower in RTW states.”

Unions, in their 1940s/1950s/1960s heyday, were not only beneficial for union members, they were beneficial across the board because they set high standards in terms of pay, benefits and vacation time. When unionized plumbers, electricians, carpenters, and constructions workers enjoyed positive working conditions, many white-collar professions also tended to have higher standards even if they weren’t typically unionized.

It is no coincidence that as union membership decreased in the U.S. in recent decades, overall conditions have worsened for both blue-collar and white-collar workers.According to Economic Policy Institute research, executives at large companies in the U.S. earned, on average, 296 times as much as their average workers in 2013 compared to only 20 times as much in 1965.

When Rep. Steve King introduced a bill calling for a national right-to-work law in 2015, it was merely symbolic; he knew that even if such a bill passed both houses of Congress and made it to the White House’s executive desk, President Obama would have vetoed it. But Republican proponents of a national right-to-work law now have a more sympathetic figure in Trump, although such a bill would need some Democratic support in the Senate in order to survive a filibuster. Even without a national right-to-work law, Republicans will no doubt continue to attack unions at the state level. Presently, 28 states have right-to-work laws, and the more that number increases, the worse conditions will become for U.S. workers.

Alex Henderson’s work has appeared in the L.A. Weekly, Billboard, Spin, Creem, the Pasadena Weekly and many other publications. Follow him on Twitter @alexvhenderson.

IMAGE: Thousands of protesters gather for a rally on the State Capitol grounds in Lansing, Mich., Tuesday, Dec. 11, 2012. The crowd is protesting right-to-work legislation that was passed by the state legislature last week.  Michigan will become the 24th right-to-work state, banning requirements that nonunion employees pay unions for negotiating contracts and other services. (AP Photo/Carlos Osorio)

Romney Courts Far Right in NLRB Attack

Mitt Romney did the usual Republican anti-labor routine today when he slammed Obama for the National Labor Relations Board’s complaint against Boeing in South Carolina:

The NLRB handles union issues, including claims of unfair practices by employers against labor unions. In a complaint, the board charged that Boeing built a $750-million airplane factory in nonunion South Carolina in retaliation against the machinists’ union for strikes at the Washington state facilities. The company denies the complaint, which is in the hearing process and could end up in the courts.

If the plant is shuttered, it might threaten jobs at the Alcoa plant in Bettendorf, Iowa, which Obama is scheduled to visit Tuesday, according to Romney.

Of course, as the author notes, the real context here is an unabashed appeal to South Carolina Senator Jim DeMint, the hugely influential wingnut who has promised that Republicans who support raising the debt ceiling before August–as independent economists and the administration suggest is vital–will be “gone” before the next Congress. DeMint wants the Boeing jobs to stick around, and Romney wants as much Tea Party support in the crucial primary state as possible. [Los Angeles Times]

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