Tag: donald trump
The Cornell Seven: What Do Men Think Women Want?

The Cornell Seven: What Do Men Think Women Want?

“The great question that has never been answered... is Was will das Weib?”

That was Sigmund Freud, famously struggling in German with what he identified as the supreme unsolved problem of early 20th-century human psychology: What do women want?

Female desire endlessly mystified the Viennese shrink. He was never able to come up with a better answer than “penis envy.”

It deserves to be revisited today, but for different reasons, not least the security and safety of women and girls. The question that vexes us now is: What do men think women want?

It’s urgent because in recent years it’s become increasingly clear that a significant subset of men not only prefer an incapacitated female to a coherent and conscious sexual partner – they believe that women like it that way.

The allure of the incapacitated female is pervasive. From Gisèle Pelicot to the online “rape academy” (where tens of thousands of men contribute videos and drugging tips), to the roofie-rape allegations that our American “War Secretary” silenced with a monetary settlement, all the way to the Cornell Seven. It’s the same shared fantasy: having your way with an inert female form.

It is so widespread that the obvious questions go unasked. If seven men are in a room with a naked, drunk woman, what makes those men think they should have sex with her? What makes them think she wants it? And, more to the point, how is it legal?

The Cornell Seven join a list of young men involved in high profile incidents involving gangs assaulting incapacitated females, including Richmond High School (2009), Steubenville (2012), Audrie Pott (2012), which I covered for Rolling Stone, and Rehtaeh Parsons (2011).

The Pott and Parsons cases ended in the terrible tragedies of two teenage girls committing suicide. Their assailants were never punished. The only case in which the perps got prison time was Richmond High School, where the boys were urban, majority Latino and working class.

All those incidents provoked a moment of public indignation. But we know how the cycle goes: outrage, gendered tribalism, naming and shaming of perpetrators and the victim, then a slap on the wrist, if any punishment at all. Then the forgetting. And the slogans, too, gone with the wind: Take Back the Night. Believe All Women. Time’s Up. Me Too.

I would like to think that the Cornell Seven are downstream from the Predators’ Ball that is our world: the Trump White House and its philharmonic accompaniment, the manosphere. Even at this echelon, the predilection is clear. Besides roofie-rape-accused Hegseth, Special Envoy for Global Partnerships Paolo Zampolli is also accused of drugging and raping a woman in a lawsuit filed by Victoria Drake.

The “grab ‘em by the pussy” hot mic was greeted with horror at the time, but it didn’t stop Trump from getting elected twice. Trump 2.0 even flew the rape-cheerleading, rape-accused, self-described trafficker Tate brothers into Miami and gave them safe haven.

Barely a blip of notice until the UK demanded their extradition.

And the women? Liars all!

The sentiment crosses political lines. Aging Bernie bro and leftie manosphere defender of the free-range male Michael Tracey has made a shtick of feeding the “heterodox” outrage machine. Last week on Piers Morgan, he came to the rescue of the named Chi Phi men and solicited public help to doxx Jane Doe. (Tracey has a long history of doxxing women. And Julie Brown has accused Tracey of physically harassing her, so yeh, he’s creepy.)

Libertarian-leftie Glenn Greenwald is also upset about the naming. He posted about how ID-ing the Cornell guys tramples on our system of justice (the Western tradition is always under threat these days!), of due process and innocent until proven guilty. Commenters drew their swords. One of Glenn’s fans, posting as “qwert,” blamed “the illogical dogma of feminism amplified by media hacks who want to be heroes” for replacing rights with social media vigilantism. He wrote: “Also, the idea women don’t have their own sexual proclivities and agency is bloody sexist and patriarchal.”

Only bluestockings and prudes would deny a barely conscious woman the alleged enjoyment of being pounced upon by seven men at 4 a.m.

Now mind you, all this “bloody” reverse sexism is happening against the backdrop of Cornell logging 1,200 sexual assault cases from 2018 to 2024. Only seven of them ended in expulsion or dismissal. The vast majority of those found responsible remained on campus, according to USA Today.

During those same years, the FBI logged a thousand women now redacted and deemed trafficked in the Epstein files. Not one man has been charged.

Of course, the presumption is that those 1,200 women are lying. Or to quote the many Xitter commenters, male and female, they are regretting “slutty” behavior and rebranding themselves as victims.

The poster child for the college assault out-liar is the woman at the center of the Charlottesville rape case. I wrote occasionally for Rolling Stone and know a little about how that journalistic disaster played out: An overly protective survivor network in charge of the campus sexual assault crisis center convinced an experienced journalist and her experienced editors and fact-checkers – who should have refused to comply and ended the reportage at that point – that asking too many questions, even the basics like who where and when, would be too psychologically damaging for the victim.

Voila! A new, all-purpose, long-lasting “all women lie” poster girl for the ages. And a notch for the “fake news” crowd. Some women may indeed lie. I suspect they are outliers. Out-liars, if you will.

To believe a victim like Cornell’s Jane Doe is a liar is to imagine a young woman brazen enough to sign up for global shaming, online and probably IRL harassment, and a lifetime wearing the letter V for victim. Because there is no way she gets out of this with her dignity intact or identity shielded forever.

A better question than “Is she lying?” is: Why do seven men in a room think a drunk, drugged woman wants them to “whip it out,” in the argot of the Chi Phi chat, on her?

The great philosopher Martha Nussbaum has an answer in her 2021 book Citadels of Pride. The title comes from Dante’s Purgatorio in which the proud spend eternity bent over – crooked and blinded by their own deformity – a metaphor for their inability to see the humanity of others. Much of Nussbaum’s book concerns the experience of “moral injury,” a syndrome seen in soldiers as well as sex assault victims. Moral injury is the deep emotional, psychological, and spiritual damage caused by doing, seeing, or failing to prevent something that violates your core moral beliefs.

Back to the men: What are the origins of the fantasy of the unicorn female who is borderline unconscious but who has “proclivities,” to quote Glenn Greenwald’s fan?

Is it nature? The caveman clubbing the future mother of his spawn in service to the continuation of his DNA, as the evolutionary biologists and their reactionary friends on the right would have it?

Emma Camp, writing in the Wall Street Journal last week, offered a more modern answer: violent internet porn. “Watch enough porn, and you’ll think it’s perfectly normal for a woman to want group sex with strange men. Watch enough porn, and you’ll think it’s perfectly normal to strike a woman while you’re having sex with her.” Watch enough porn, and you’ll think that women like to be choked while giving blowjobs – that they enjoy a man’s hands squeezing their windpipes.

Meanwhile, studies are starting to show unusual numbers of younger women with signs of brain damage from the practice, from temporary incoherence to permanent disability. For some men perhaps, nothing could be more alluring.

Nina Burleigh is a journalist, author, documentary producer, and adjunct professor at New York University's Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute. She has written eight books including her recently published novel, Zero Visibility Possible.


Why Has Fox News Benched Karl Rove During Runup To A Crucial Midterm?

Why Has Fox News Benched Karl Rove During Runup To A Crucial Midterm?

Fox News political analyst Karl Rove has not appeared on his network’s weekday programming for the last three weeks, even as the midterm elections loom. Rove’s absence coincides with his newsmaking public statements warning about extremism within the Republican Party — and his denunciation by President Donald Trump.

While Rove appeared alongside Fox senior political analyst Juan Williams on the October 4 edition of Fox News Sunday (which airs on Fox broadcast stations and reairs later in the day on Fox News), he last appeared on a Fox weekday program on September 14, when anchor Martha MacCallum interviewed him on The Story.

Rove’s absence at a time when his analysis would theoretically be most useful is notable. He averaged seven weekday Fox appearances per month from March through August, and that interview on The Story was his 5th of September, according to a Media Matters review of our database.

Rove makes news — but not for his employer

Rove’s disappearance from Fox's weekday airwaves overlaps with his increasingly strident criticism of extremist elements in the GOP, which has drawn attention from other news outlets.

Two days after Rove’s most recent Fox weekday appearance, The Wall Street Journal published a column in which the veteran Republican strategist and former top aide to President George W. Bush called out the “raw, uncut bigotry” of Texas GOP candidate Bo French, vowed to “vote for only the second Democrat in my life” rather than support French’s campaign, and warned that “the GOP has a growing number of Bo Frenches—and not only in Texas.”

Rove doubled down during a September 26 appearance at the Texas Tribune Festival and drew more headlines for his lament that the Republican Party is “being infiltrated by people like Bo French” and the white nationalist streamer Nick Fuentes, who he described as “a Nazi.”

No one needs to hear that message more than the audience at Fox, whose hosts played an essential role in mainstreaming and sanitizing the GOP’s far-right elements. But Rove’s denunciations of the extremists he says are taking over the party have been mentioned just once on Fox, according to a Media Matters review.

Fox contributor Josh Kraushaar crowned “our very own Karl Rove” the “winner” of the week during a panel discussion on the September 18 edition of Fox’s Special Report, arguing that Rove “spoke out with principle against the Texas railroad commissioner candidate, a Republican, Bo French, who made some racist tweets about Indian Americans attending the Texas football game.”

“You don't hear people going against party very often, and to hear those principles standing out, I think, was a real example that Karl Rove set,” Kraushaar said.

No one at Fox is apparently interested in following that example. Even Rove himself, in his Fox News Sunday appearance, did not address his critique of the GOP, instead focusing on downplaying the prospect of a Democratic midterm wave. The GOP’s extremism falls into what I’ve termed Fox’s negative space, the stories that the network’s stars seem loath to defend or even acknowledge to their viewers.

Fox benched Rove after Trump asked why the network helps “keep his RINO Voice alive”

Rove’s absence from Fox’s weekday airwaves also lines up with his denunciation by the president.

During his September 14 interview on The Story, the Fox analyst criticized Trump’s promise to give every American citizen $5,000 if Republicans hold the House and Senate, calling the proposal neither “well thought out” nor a political boon for the GOP.

Trump regularly watches Fox and responds to the programming he sees there, mixing praise of Fox coverage he appreciates with criticism of the network for failing to produce sufficiently consistent propaganda on his behalf. Just a few hours after Rove’s appearance, the Fox analyst received a harangue from the president.

“Karl Rove is so bad for the Republican Party, and completely wrong so often,” Trump posted to Truth Social. “He suffers from a major case of Trump Derangement Syndrome primarily because, for almost 10 years, I beat back and won against so many of the people and things that he wanted and espoused.”

“Why does FoxNews and the WSJ keep his RINO Voice alive,” the president added. “The guy is a stone cold loser!”

The network’s executives are keenly interested in maintaining good relations with Trump. Just last week, network founder Rupert Murdoch and several senior figures in his media empire reportedly dined with the president at the White House in an effort to “reset the relationship.”

And on Monday, The New York Times reported that Fox had hired as a contributor Karoline Leavitt, who served as White House press secretary in his second administration. Leavitt’s new colleagues will include Kayleigh McEnany, one of Trump’s first-term White House press secretaries; Mike Pompeo, who served as Trump’s secretary of state; Kellyanne Conway, who managed his 2016 presidential campaign; and Lara Trump, the president’s daughter-in-law.

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters

Prices And Elections: Why Trump's  Inflation Aggravates Voter Outrage

Prices And Elections: Why Trump's  Inflation Aggravates Voter Outrage

In understanding both how the economy is doing and how people are feeling about it—two concepts that have widely diverged for years now—I’ve paid a lot of attention to two related price indicators. One is inflation, meaning the rate of change: how fast prices are going up/down. This is of course an area of intense focus by economists and especially monetary ones, as the Fed’s mandate is “full employment at steady prices,” the latter meaning inflation stable at around their two percent target.

I’ve focused as much if not more on the price level—what things cost. I was schooled on a daily basis back in my White House days that after a price shock, as occurred in the pandemic, people are not comforted by lower inflation, which just meant the prices they thought were way too high were growing more slowly. But they still vividly remembered their old price levels, and damnit, they wanted them back.

But there’s a third dimension of prices that has gotten less attention: their variance, meaning how widely inflation has varied over time. Folks are familiar with the famous bell curve in statistics. A low-variance bell curve looks like a narrow, high mountain; a high-variable bell curve looks like a low, wide mountain. In the figure below, the blue line plots a variable with low variance, the non-blue line (color blind!) shows high variance.

In what follows, I plot a number of CPI inflation series this way. Using year-over-year inflation, I look at two separate periods, pre- and post-pandemic, where pre is 2013-19 and post is 2020-26. Now, these variances don’t look as cleanly bell curve-y as those above, which is often the case with real life variables. But I employ a smoothing procedure (kernel density estimation) to smooth them out in a way that clarifies the presentation.

Here’s the overall CPI:

Striking, right?? Pre-pandemic, you see a tight, narrow distribution centered around two percent. But post, you see a much wider distribution centered around three percent and stretching up into double digits.

Here’s groceries, which represent just eight percent of the consumption basket but loom much larger than that in people’s minds.

Even more striking, no?! Pre: narrow distribution clumped around zero! Post: even wider than the overall (compare x-axes) with a peak at >2 percent.

I’ve done this with many other market-basket components and with the PCE series too. Same basic results.

Of course, I’m not saying people walk around mentally ginning up such figures in their heads. But I am firmly saying this: we humans are risk-averse creatures. And higher-variances feel more risky, more unsettling to us. This is reflected in all the angst you hear these days about “uncertainty.” Higher uncertainty means higher variances.

Of course, the 100-year pandemic was the key source of these expanded distributions, but things were settling down before the Orange Menace took over. The fact that the guy is a shock-risk-uncertainty merchant, bouncing from one bad idea to the next, enabled by Republicans who refuse to check him, is also in the more recent mix when it comes to this problem.

Bottom line, when we’re thinking about the inflationary sources of folks’ current anxiety, I’d still go with inflation and price levels, but I’d add inflation’s elevated variance to the list.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please subscribe to his Substack, from which this is reprinted with permission.




Maria Elvira Salazar

Six More! Democrats Again Expand House Battleground As GOP Decline Worsens

With less than a month to go to the midterm elections, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee on Monday announced that it added six more candidates to its “Red to Blue” program, which gives financial and organizational support to top-tier Democratic nominees in Republican-held House districts.

All six candidates sit in districts President Donald Trump carried by double-digit margins in 2024. But as the bottom falls out for Trump and the GOP, with even Republicans abandoning the party amid frustration with the rising cost of living and the boondoggle of a war in Iran, Democrats now view these seats as winnable thanks to both the political environment and the strength of their candidates.

The candidates the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee added to the “Red to Blue” program include:

  • Chris Jones, an ordained minister who is running against GOP Rep. French Hill in Arkansas’ 2nd District. Trump won this district by 15.5 percentage points in 2024. But like other areas with large agricultural sectors, Trump’s tariffs and war in Iran have hit the district’s residents hard, putting a seat like this in play.
  • Dwayne Romero, an Army engineer running in Colorado’s 3rd against Republican Rep. Jeff Hurd. Trump won this district by 9.7 points in 2024. A super PAC affiliated with Trump is spending in this seat, which means they have data showing it is at risk.
  • Former television news anchor Eliott Rodriguez, who is running against GOP Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar in Florida’s Miami-based 27th District. Trump carried the seat by nearly 15 points in 2024. But his cruel immigration agenda and his poor handling of the economy has caused Hispanic voters to swing hard to Democrats in polling from this cycle, imperiling Salazar’s reelection hopes. Indeed, Salazar herself is so worried that she cut an ad (lightly) denouncing Trump’s immigration enforcement efforts.
  • Former Nevada state Assembly Majority Leader Teresa Benitez-Thompson, who is running against Republican David Flippo in Nevada’s 2nd District, a seat Trump won by 13.9 points in 2024. Established in 1983, the district has never been held by a Democrat, but Benitez-Thompson is a moderate Democrat running against Flippo, who is so odious that the district’s retiring Republican congressman has refused to support Flippo’s campaign. Polls show the race is close. And Trump is reportedly planning to hold a rally in the district, though that might not be helpful at a time when his approval rating is in the toilet.
  • Blake Gendebien, a dairy farmer running against Republican Anthony Constantino in New York’s 21st District. Trump won the seat—held by retiring Rep. Elise Stefanik—by nearly 21 points in 2024. But as far back as last year, Republicans saw seats like this slipping away, with Trump reneging on his decision to nominate Stefanik to his Cabinet over fears her district could flip to Democrats in a special election. What’s more, Constantino, the GOP nominee, is a Trump-obsessed lunatic who gets into petty social media feuds, making him a poor nominee.
  • Tennessee state Rep. Justin Pearson, who is running against Republican Brent Taylor in the Volunteer State’s 9th District, which the GOP corruptly redrew to make it unwinnable for Democrats. Trump won the newly redrawn seat by 21.1 points in 2024. But Democrats view Pearson as a strong recruit who could overcome the gerrymander.
“The candidates added to our Red to Blue program today are winning over voters with their message of lowering costs—from gas and groceries to health care and housing,” DCCC Chair Rep. Suzan DelBene (D-WA) said in a news release. “At a time when so many families are struggling to pay the bills, Americans deserve representatives who will actually fight to make their lives better. Less than one month out from Election Day, voters are ready to turn the page on House Republicans’ broken promises and elect Democrats to the House Majority.”

The DCCC’s expansion of its “Red to Blue” program comes a few days after the committee said it was investing in eight other House seats Trump carried by double digits.

Meanwhile, as Democrats go on offense, Republicans are starting to abandon GOP incumbents it now views as DOA in November. CNN reported on Saturday that the National Republican Congressional Committee is in talks to pull out of New Jersey’s 7th District, where GOP Rep. Tom Kean Jr. looks like toast thanks to his infamous disappearing act.

CNN also reported that Republicans are also mulling the abandonment of Iowa’s 1st District, represented by Republican Rep. Marianette Miller-Meeks, who is trailing Democratic challenger Christina Bohannan in polls.

Both seats are projected to flip blue by Inside Elections, a top political handicapping outlet..

Indeed, Democrats are feeling so confident about their odds on November 3 that the DCCC’s political director told Politico the party could hold as many as 240 seats when the new Congress is sworn in on Jan. 3. For reference, that would be two seats shy of what Republicans held after the 2010 red wave.

“Anywhere between 218 and 240 feels very viable,” the DCCC’s Brooke Butler told Politico. “We feel confident that we will get to 218. The question that I’ve told people from the beginning cycle is ‘How much?’”
Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

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