Tag: house republicans
Is This Victory? Tennessee Special Outcome Portends GOP Midterm Doom

Is This Victory? Tennessee Special Outcome Portends GOP Midterm Doom

How do you win an election, yet still lose the night?

While votes are still being counted, Republicans have held on to their House seat in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District by a ridiculously slim margin—single digits. This is a district Donald Trump carried 60–38 in 2024.

The result isn’t just surprising. It’s ominous.

This race was never about flipping the seat. That remained the longest of long shots. What mattered was the margin. Republicans needed a comfortable win to project strength and momentum heading into next year’s midterms. A mid-teens result would’ve been a flashing yellow light. A Democratic victory would’ve signaled an outright political cataclysm. That didn’t happen, but a single-digit result is something far more threatening. It’s full-throttle "DANGER DANGER Will Robinson!" territory.

While the final tally isn’t yet locked in, Democrats appear to have outperformed Trump’s 2024 margin by roughly 15 points. A swing of that magnitude puts a bullseye on dozens of Republican seats long considered safe in any normal political climate.

But these aren’t normal times.

A shift this large doesn’t just jeopardize the Republican House majority. It puts the U.S. Senate back in play and casts serious doubt on any remaining GOP redistricting ambitions in states like Indiana and Florida. No Republican incumbent—no matter how safe—will want to dilute their partisan advantage with numbers like these hanging overhead. Texas Republicans should be praying that the Supreme Court steps in and tosses out their maps for them.

There’s no sugarcoating what this means. Vulnerable Republican incumbents have already been tiptoeing away from Trump, and that instinct will only intensify. It’s no coincidence he didn’t physically campaign in this district. Polling showed him underwater—47–49%—in a place that should be a fortress of red support.

Buckle up.

The next few months are going to get very interesting, especially if angry and demoralized Republicans start heading for the exits early, as one anonymous senior House Republican recently predicted would happen.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

Fearing Midterm Ruin, Trump Blinks On Obamacare --Yet Still Aims To Gut Program

Fearing Midterm Ruin, Trump Blinks On Obamacare --Yet Still Aims To Gut Program

Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose.

President Trump’s health plan, promised by Thanksgiving, was leaked to the press over the weekend. With the frosty reception immediately given this trial balloon by Republicans on Capitol Hill, I doubt it will see the light of day before people gather for their holiday dinners with family and friends.

The leaked plan’s outline went something like this:

  • It offered a two-year extension for the expanded premium subsidies, which Democrats demanded be restored in full during the six-week government shutdown
  • It establishes a minimum monthly payment of $5 for any plan, no matter how poor you are.
  • It would raise premiums for millions of low-income plan purchasers by turning the current cost-sharing formula, which currently lowers premiums, into a reimbursable expense, which will raise premiums.
  • It will establish a new subsidy cliff (when all subsidies stop) at 700 percent of poverty income (about $110,000 for a single adult in 2025).
  • It will allow beneficiaries to shift their tax credits into a health savings account, but only if they buy a bronze or high-deductible plan.

Other press accounts suggested the Trump proposal would also make short-term, limited benefit plans a permanent option on the Obamacare exchanges, and turn their allowable duration (just three months under a Biden administration rule) into years. Trump also wants to ban any government-subsidized plan from providing gender-affirming care or providing care for undocumented immigrants.

If you want more insight into this plan, you can turn to Charles Gaba’s substack or Andrew Sprung’s XPostFactoid. No one knows more about how the exchanges work (or don’t) than those two.

The politics

The only thing new in this plan is its direct relevance to the next two spins of the political cycle. Limiting the subsidy extension to two years gets the Republicans beyond the mid-terms, where they are staring at the possibility of a major shellacking.

Also, if passed, it would guarantee another fight over “failing Obamacare” during the next presidential election. That slogan will ring true to millions of people if the other elements of the plan are enacted, since they will go a long way toward turning a relatively successful program into a failing one.

There’s no need for me to go on at great length about why these rehashed GOP talking points should be non-starters for anyone who cares about health care, or has empathy for the least well-off among us. In short:

  • Any co-premium paid out-of-pocket for the very poor — even $5 — will dissuade hundreds of thousands of not millions from purchasing plans.
  • Turning cost-sharing into a reimbursable expense for the sick will also raise premiums.
  • The new subsidy cliff for the better-off people will incentivized hundreds of thousands if not millions of younger, healthier workers to drop coverage. This raises the average cost of the sicker, poorer patients still in the risk pool, which in turn raises premiums, which in turn discourages even more people from purchasing plans.
  • And, if those younger, healthier workers still want insurance, they will be offered the opportunity to buy those longer-duration, limited benefit plans, which will leave them with huge bills should they actually need to use their insurance. Again, more healthier people out of the risk pool; higher premiums for everyone in the risk pool.

Can you see a pattern? Raise premiums (for 2026), raise premiums (for 2027), and raise premiums (for 2028). Give young, healthy people an out (who cares about those who get sick and can’t afford their high deductibles). Then, let’s have an election where the GOP can point to the “obvious” failures of Obamacare.

As for preventing transgender people and undocumented immigrants from receiving care (whoops, the undocumented are already ineligible), that’s just cruel. It’s especially cruel to the more than half million people brought here as children by undocumented parents, most of whom are now hard-working, taxpaying adults.

Trump has already denied them coverage, reversing an earlier rule. This would make it permanent.

Merrill Goozner, the former editor of Modern Healthcare, writes about health care and politics at GoozNews.substack.com, where this column first appeared. Please consider subscribing to support his work.

Reprinted with permission from Gooz News

Thom Tillis

'Wipeout': Republicans Terrified 2026 Blue Wave Will Flip Senate And House

Republicans are increasingly anxious about the 2026 midterm elections, fearing a potential “wipeout” that could cost them their House majority and several Senate seats.

The Hill reported Monday that off-year elections in Virginia, New Jersey, and municipal races around the country indicate they might be in trouble.

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC), who is not running for reelection, told the outlet, “If we are where we are today in the beginning of the second quarter [of 2026], then I think we’re in for a really rough time in November.”

“We have plenty of time to address it. There are a lot of positive things that we’re doing here, that the administration is doing. But if you mess with health care … if we don’t get health care policy right, if we don’t get some of the cost policies right, we’re going to have major headwinds next year,” he added.

The Hill reported that the biggest concern is the coattails of President Donald Trump, which have never been especially strong. Republicans lost power in their first midterm election after Trump’s 2016 win, when Democrats flipped the House in 2018. It was already a concern in January 2016, when former Rep. Justin Amash (R-MI) told Reuters he did not think Trump could help carry down-ballot candidates later that year.

Trump’s approval rating currently stands at 41.9 percent in a recent polling average compiled by Decision Desk HQ. On the generic congressional ballot — that is, whether voters say they would support a Democratic or Republican candidate — Democrats lead with 46.8 percent to 41.4 percent, according to DDHQ’s average.

One Republican on a conference call with the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC) said election fears have spread among many senators up for reelection in 2026.

“The numbers are terrible,” said the unnamed lawmaker. “Not necessarily for any individual incumbent senator, although some of them aren’t very good. But you saw what happened a couple of weeks ago. Republicans didn’t win anything anywhere.”Democrats won the governor’s races in both Virginia and New Jersey. In Virginia, Trump did not participate, but in New Jersey, the president offered a full endorsement and support to the GOP nominee.

“There are a lot of warning signs blinking,” the lawmaker noted. “We’re increasingly on defense on the Senate side. … I think there’s a lot of concern.”

“Look at the 2018 midterm, we lost 41 seats in the House. The Speaker can only lose three this time,” a different GOP senator said.“I would expect to lose the House; I’m just trying to be objective,” the senator confessed.

Trump appeared to see the writing on the wall several months ago when he pressed Texas to pursue mid-decade redistricting to gerrymander congressional lines and eliminate solidly Democratic seats, a move that drew national criticism. California lawmakers, facing their own political pressures, moved ahead with a mid-decade redraw that targeted several Republican-held districts. A court has now thrown out the new Texas maps, ordering lawmakers back to the drawing board.

Other states, like Indiana, are resisting Trump’s demands to eliminate their remaining Democratic-held seats, even as they face pressure over redistricting. After years of litigation, a court ruled that Utah must draw a Democratic-leaning district centered on the Salt Lake City area, ensuring that Democrats have at least one realistic opportunity to win a seat there.

“The conventional wisdom was Democrats were screwed, and we were going to be in a hole of anywhere from 10 to 17 seats because of redistricting. That was back in the middle of July. Looking where we are now, that’s absolutely not the case,” said a Democratic strategist, according to The Hill.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet

Will Epstein Files Vote Become 'Crack In The Dam' That Splits MAGA Apart?

Will Epstein Files Vote Become 'Crack In The Dam' That Splits MAGA Apart?

President Donald Trump's ironclad grip on the Republican Party may be weaker than it's ever been due to the ongoing fallout over deceased child predator Jeffrey Epstein.

That's according to commentator Scott Morefield, who writes for the conservative website Townhall. Morefield told New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg that Trump's handling of the Justice Department's unreleased evidence pertaining to its two Epstein-related investigations has caused widespread disillusionment among the MAGA movement. He particularly focused on Trump's attacks on Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) and Thomas Massie (R-KY), who have both pressured him to release all of the DOJ's remaining evidence on Epstein.

Trump called Greene a "ranting lunatic" on his Truth Social platform last week, and called Massie a "loser" and remarked that his recent marriage was "quick" (Massie's first wife, Rhonda, died last June). Massie shrugged off Trump's attacks and shared a joke that he and his new wife made at Trump's expense.

"She said, 'I told you we should have invited him to the wedding!'" Massie told reporters on Monday.

"Trump’s denunciations of MTG and especially Thomas Massie last night were unnecessary, over the top, and cruel in a way that should make any human with basic empathy question what kind of human he is," Moreland posted to X. "If anyone is responsible for the fracturing of MAGA, it’s the top dog himself. The buck stops there."

In her Monday essay, Goldberg marveled at how Trump used to dispatch his political opponents within the GOP with relative ease. She pointed to past examples like former Vice President Mike Pence, former Rep. Bob Good (R-VA) and Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ). However, she observed that Trump's failure to cow Greene and Massie into submission suggested that "something has changed." When Goldberg asked Moreland how much Trump's movement had split, the conservative writer didn't mince words.

“I think it’s pretty serious,” he said. “Epstein really started it. It was like the crack in the dam, I think.”

Reprinted with permission from Alternet


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