Tag: manhattan
Is Los Angeles As Toxic As Manhattan After 9/11?

Is Los Angeles As Toxic As Manhattan After 9/11?

While I've been mainlining local news to see if my house, on the edge of an evacuation zone, was going to survive, my daughter (who I've been staying with) has been doing research on the air. As depressing as it has been to see these fires destroying my adopted hometown, it's been worse to hear my daughter's reports on the air around us, and to be reminded of what we should have learned from 9/11.

"L.A. is Toxic, and We Need to Talk About It" is the title of my daughter's post on Substack. Read it, and then think about those pictures you've seen of people returning to their burnt out neighborhoods, combing through the rubble in their flip-flops, with no masks. It's terrifying. Would you go wading in a toxic dump unprotected? Is "protection" good enough?

This is what we know from 9/11, when only two buildings — granted, two very big buildings — were destroyed. More people have died from exposure to toxic pollutants in the air after 9/11 than died in the collapse of the Twin Towers and the crashes of the planes.

According to the New York Times in 2021, more than 400,000 people who lived, worked or studied in Lower Manhattan were exposed to toxic materials from "the pulverized towers" leading to health issues, many of which took years to emerge and diagnose. Two buildings — in Los Angeles, thousands and thousands of structures and cars have been equally pulverized. The CDC, in 2018, released a list of hazardous 9/11 chemical agents put together by the World Trade Center Health Program. The list is 19 pages long and includes some 352 chemical compounds. In Los Angeles, there is no list, and also no reason it would be significantly shorter. Why is no one talking about it? Why is the only question people seem to be asking is when the fires and hot spots will be controlled enough for civilians to return to their homes?

In New York, anyone who spent time within a one-and-a-half mile radius of the World Trade Center within an eight-month period after 9/11 is eligible to apply for federal health benefits. Is Los Angeles also going to be toxic for eight months?

As of 2024, there were 127,567 people enrolled in the WTC Health Program, 82,000 of them first-responders and volunteers who took part in the rescue and clean up. As of 2023, some 7,000 of them were dead from illnesses linked to the disaster. In September 2024, the New York Fire Department announced that it had lost more members to WTC-related illnesses than it lost on 9/11 itself.

At the time, though, no one warned them. At the time, it apparently seemed best for city officials to tell people that the air, the water and the food supply were safe — that the best course was to keep on keeping on, just as Los Angeles officials are saying that the first priority is to get people back to their homes and begin the process of rebuilding. Really? It took the New York City Council until this past fall — the 23rd anniversary of the attacks — to take up a bill aimed at finding out when and what city officials knew at the time about the toxins in the air after 9/11. How long will it be before we find out what officials know — or should know — about the air in our toxic site here?

It's not clear what we do with the information. The fires stretched across the city, and the winds blew ash and debris everywhere. Three million people can't up and move away for 8 months. But we can wear masks and protective gear. We desperately need professionals to do the cleanup. Children should not be rifling through the rubble. Reporters covering the fires should be dressed the way firefighters are.

First responders deserve protection and health care in the future. Thirty percent of the firefighters are convicted criminals. Kim Kardashian is right: They should be fairly paid for risking their lives and their health. We owe them nothing less. And city, state and federal officials owe us the truth, as we have learned it from 9/11, about the risks we face and the steps we can take to mitigate those risks.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Let Me Tell You Why People Hate Health Insurance Executives

Let Me Tell You Why People Hate Health Insurance Executives

There is no condoning the cold-blooded murder of a UnitedHealth Group executive in predawn Manhattan. Moments after Brian Thompson was shot dead, a torrent of unsympathetic posts flooded social media. I was surprised by both the brazen attack and the unveiled congratulations to a killer. The reasons for the anger, however, I understood very well.

I have my own story. I shared it after the insurer had launched its cruel "Delay Deny Defend" strategy to avoid covering my husband's cancer treatment. Those three words became the title of a 2010 book on the subject, written by Rutgers University law professor Jay Feinman. They may have been the inspiration for the words etched on bullet casings found at the crime scene: "deny," "defend" and "depose."

For years, my husband and I had no serious health issues. We would go to a doctor for annual checkups, and that was it. We were ideal customers for UnitedHealth or any other insurer.

But then my husband was diagnosed with complicated liver cancer. Our plan stipulated that we use doctors in the insurer's network but that if we needed specialized care elsewhere, United Healthcare would cover it. Our network doctor, an expert in liver cancer, told us in no uncertain terms to go to Deaconess Hospital in Boston. Deaconess then offered the cutting-edge treatment my husband needed — and was only a 50-minute drive away.

The doctor obviously anticipated the battle we faced in getting the insurer to cover it. As we walked out of his office, he whispered, "Mortgage the house."

We would have done just that and sued UnitedHealth later had we not fallen victim to the "delay" scheme. The company repeatedly implied that it would seriously consider covering the treatment. To get there, we had to go through an appeal process. That meant speaking to a "handler" who said our case would be reevaluated. About a week later, a one-sentence rejection letter would arrive by snail mail. But it included a number we could call to challenge the verdict. Around we again went.

We could never talk to anyone who made decisions. We couldn't get anyone there to talk to our doctor. At one point, we were told to seek treatment at a now-failing community hospital. The handler told us that the person sending us there was "a nurse" as though that was reassuring.

My husband, an ex-Marine, was a tough customer. He said that dealing with the insurer was worse than dealing with the cancer.

We had fallen into those traps, which Feinman explained, were designed "to wear down claimants" and "flat-out deny" valid claims. Should the policyholder sue, the insurer would unleash a team of lawyers who excelled at swatting away plaintiffs.

Because insurers put the premium payments into investments, delaying payouts also enabled them make more money.

In serious cases, one suspects that delaying tactics are also intended to wait out the life of the patient: The policyholder would die before the insurer had to spend money on medical care. We finally said "the hell with waiting" and went to Deaconess for treatment.

Some months after a grueling round of chemo, my husband died. I'll never know for sure whether the delay hastened that outcome. I do know that the then-CEO of United Healthcare — widely known as William "Dollar Bill" McGuire — later walked off with a $1.1 billion golden parachute after having raked in $500 million.

One last note: Project 2025, the right-wing blueprint for a second Trump term, would, among other things, let Affordable Care Act insurers discriminate against preexisting conditions. It would deregulate Medicare Advantage plans, which are run by private insurers, and herd more Medicare beneficiaries into them.

You've been warned.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Alvin Bragg

New York Prosecutors Won't Oppose Stay On Trump Sentencing

Consequences for President-elect Donald Trump’s guilty conviction in a New York state case will be years away, as prosecutors signaled they will not oppose suspending the case while the incoming 47th president carries out his four years in the Oval Office.

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg wrote Tuesday that he will fight Trump’s request to toss the case altogether. But Bragg said he will not get in the way of a stay, or pause, on the proceedings.

“Given the need to balance competing constitutional interests, consideration must be given to various non-dismissal options that may address any concerns raised by the pendency of a post-trial criminal proceeding during the presidency, such as deferral of all remaining criminal proceedings until after the end of Defendant’s upcoming presidential term,” Bragg wrote in a memo that had been due Tuesday to New York Judge Juan Merchan.

Bragg requested that motions be due December 9. Trump still has a criminal sentencing date on the calendar for November 26, unless Merchan orders otherwise.

Trump spokesman Steven Cheung declared “a total and definitive victory” in a statement issued shortly after Bragg’s letter became public.

“The Manhattan DA has conceded that this Witch Hunt cannot continue. The lawless case is now stayed, and President Trump’s legal team is moving to get it dismissed once and for all,” said Cheung.

History-Making Conviction

Trump, the first former president to become a convicted felon, was found guilty in May of 34 felonies for falsifying business records related to paying off porn star Stormy Daniels ahead of the 2016 presidential election to hide a decade-old sexual encounter with her at a Lake Tahoe golf club.

The likely delay of Trump’s sentencing while he serves as president brings to a close, if temporarily, the only one of Trump’s criminal cases that went to trial.

The case, brought by Bragg’s office, was among four criminal cases the then-former president faced as he campaigned to again occupy the Oval Office. Trump also faced several civil lawsuits and now stares down roughly half a billion dollars in damages for committing fraud, defamation and sexual abuse.

As Trump readies to take the oath of office in just two months, Department of Justice special counsel Jack Smith’s office is also winding down its two federal cases against Trump, as the department does not prosecute sitting presidents.

The federal cases include fraud and obstruction charges stemming from Trump’s actions to undermine his 2020 election loss, which culminated in a violent attack by his supporters on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

The other case, appealed by Smith after a federal judge tossed it, revolved around charges that the then-former president unlawfully took and stockpiled classified documents at his Florida Mar-a-Lago estate upon leaving the White House.

Not The First Delay In New York

Each of the 34 class E felonies Trump is convicted of carries a penalty of up to four years, according to the New York penal code.

Trump’s sentencing date was twice delayed. Merchan granted Trump’s request in September to delay the criminal sentencing until after November’s presidential election.

Merchan had already delayed Trump’s initial July sentencing date following the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision ordering that former presidents are immune from criminal charges for core constitutional duties, and presumed immune for other actions while in office. The court’s opinion also brought into question what types of evidence can be admitted in criminal cases against former presidents.

Trump asked Merchan to “set aside” the guilty verdict almost immediately after the Supreme Court’s presidential immunity ruling. Merchan has yet to rule on the motion.

New York prosecutors and Trump’s defense team on Nov. 12 jointly asked Merchan to delay all proceedings while the prosecutors decide if and how their case would proceed following Trump’s election victory.

Originally published in Arizona Mirror, a division of the nonprofit news network States Newsroom.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet.

Donald Trump

Where Political Violence Begins: Crazy Talk, Crazy People And Guns

One evening, just over a week ago, I was walking in Midtown Manhattan when dozens of police cars, sirens blasting, lights flashing, descended on the area. Cops cut off entire avenues to traffic. Soon a phalanx of police vehicles, followed by a column of identical black SUVs, whooshed past red lights.

They were taking former president Donald Trump to his home at Trump Tower. The New York Police Department was clearly determined not to let anything happen to him on their watch, certainly not after a young man of no obvious political persuasion nearly killed him in Butler, Pennsylvania.

But on Sunday, someone else evidently wanted to take a shot at Trump through an unguarded chain fence surrounding his golf course in West Palm Beach. The suspect is a former construction worker with grandiose notions, a sizable rap sheet and more than a few screws loose.

Here's the bigger picture: Crazy political talk may be activating crazy people bent on violence. And about 99 percent of the blather is coming from the Trump side. Am I blaming the victim? This in no way justifies physical threats against him, but the answer, to a large part, is yes.

Trump has called for killing the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He's argued that as president, he could assassinate his political rivals using SEAL Team Six and get away with it. He mocked the savage attack against Nancy Pelosi's husband, Paul. He unleashed the January 6 riot on the Capitol, calling the thugs who attacked police "hostages."

Violent talk does percolate in the fringe left, but now we have off-the-wall intimidation by the official Republican candidate for president. I defy defenders of Trump's behavior to cite similar rhetoric from anyone who matters on the Democratic side.

These disturbing head games also hurt ordinary Americans, for whom MAGA evinces minimal concern. After a 14-year-old murdered two students and two teachers at a Georgia high school, Trump's running mate JD Vance dismissed such shootings as "a fact of life." When a school shooting took the life of a sixth grader in Perry, Iowa, Trump opined that we "have to get over it."

MAGA likes to say that Trump is being endangered by the mean things Democrats say about him. Does the movement have anything to match Trump's ludicrous lies about Haitian migrants stealing and eating pet dogs and cats in Springfield, Ohio? Bomb threats ensued, forcing the city to close schools and cancel town hall meetings.

Asked whether he would denounce the bomb threats, Trump refused to take even that baby step toward decency.

Vance, meanwhile, admitted on Sunday that he knew the story about the dogs and cats was phony, but it was a useful way to rile up the locals over a large influx of Haitian migrants into their community. Has the bar fallen so low that Vance expects praise for admitting he lied?

"If I have to create stories so that the American media actually pays attention to the suffering of the American people, then that's what I'm going to do," he said. Few question that a sudden large influx of immigrants can create strains on local services. But the city and state are dealing with it while balancing the advantages of a needed new work force.

Ohio's governor, the city manager and religious leaders were asking Trump to stop. These migrants are there legally, Republican Gov. Mike DeWine noted. "What the companies tell us is that they are very good workers ... and frankly, that's helped the economy."

Springfield has a revitalized downtown and diversifying economy. Give the place a break.

Crazy talk, crazy people and guns everywhere. It doesn't have to be this way.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

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