Tag: mass deportations
Texas May Become Center Stage For Trump's Mass Deportation Drama

Texas May Become Center Stage For Trump's Mass Deportation Drama

For more than a year, Donald Trump has pledged a vast immigration crackdown that includes ending birthright citizenship, reviving border policies from his first time in office, and deporting millions of people through raids and detainment camps.

Perhaps no state is in a better position to help him than Texas. And no state might feel the impacts of such initiatives as much as Texas.

About 11 percent of immigrants in the United States—five million—live in Texas. The state is home to an estimated 1.6 million undocumented persons—the second-most in the country after California. It is also led by Republican elected officials who are politically in lockstep with Trump.

When Trump left office in 2021, Gov. Greg Abbott surged resources to the state’s 1,254-mile border with Mexico through a border security mission, Operation Lone Star, that has so far cost $11 billion in state money. It includes the deployment of thousands of Department of Public Safety troopers and Texas National Guard troops to patrol the border. He started building a state-funded border wall after Biden ended Trump’s wall project. He sent busloads of newly-arrived migrants from border towns to northern cities led by Democrats.

Those state police and Texas soldiers could help Trump achieve his marquee campaign promise of launching mass deportations, according to immigration lawyers.

“We are in uncharted territory,” said Cesar Espinosa, the executive director of FIEL, an organization that offers education, social and legal services to immigrant families in the Houston region—home to about half a million people who are living in the country illegally.

FIEL—a Spanish acronym for Familias Inmigrantes y Estudiantes en la Lucha, which translates to Immigrant Families and Students in the Fight—tells their clients to prepare for “anything that can happen,” Espinosa said.

“We tell people that this is kind of like having a plan for a fire: You don't know if a fire is gonna happen, you can't predict when a fire’s happening, but you have a plan on how to exit,”Espinosa said.

On the campaign trail, Trump has called for a variety of measures that would significantly change immigration, asylum, and the lives of immigrants.

He’s said he will try to end automatic citizenship for children born to immigrants in the country. He’s suggested he would revoke legal status protections that the Biden administration has given to people from specific countries, like Haiti and Venezuela. He’s said he would re-implement policies from his first term, like ones that banned people from Muslim-majority countries and required asylum-seekers to wait in Mexico for the duration of their asylum cases.

But no proposal has received as much attention—or support from his fans—as Trump’s pitch to deport as many as 20 million people he’s said are undocumented. It is unclear how many undocumented people are in the country.

The last time the U.S. government undertook such a massive effort was in the 1950s during the Eisenhower administration, whose plan of pairing federal authorities with local police Trump has pointed to as a model for his ambitions.

“When there are state-level law enforcement officers and policymakers who support those initiatives, we might see an immigration enforcement authority that is far larger than Immigration and Customs Enforcement alone,” said Elora Mukherjee, director of Columbia Law School’s Immigrants’ Rights Clinic.

Texas, having deployed police and military for immigration enforcement on its own accord, fits the bill better than any state. While the Biden administration tried checking Texas’ authority—most notably suing to stop a new law that would let state police arrest suspected undocumented persons for illegal entry into the country—Trump has signaled he is eager to work with the state.

“When I’m president, instead of trying to send Texas a restraining order, I will send them reinforcements,” Trump told a crowd in Las Vegas in January. “Instead of fighting border states, I will use every resource tool and authority of the U.S. president to defend the United States of America from this horrible invasion that is taking place right now.”

Immigration lawyers say for Trump to accomplish his deportation promises, he could also rely on existing law enforcement agreements between federal and local authorities while expanding the use of “expedited removal,” a fast-track removal process that does not involve a person having to go before an immigration court.

Plus, he’s inheriting a ramping up of the nation’s deportation system that happened in the final year of Biden’s administration, said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, an analyst at the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute.

From May 2023 through March 2024 alone, the Biden administration processed more migrants through expedited removal—316,000—than in any prior full fiscal year, according to a paper Bush-Joseph co-authored. The administration is on track to deport more people than Trump’s administration did in its first four years.

“My guess—I think it's a rational guess—is that there is going to be a lot of cooperation and synthesis between the state of Texas and the federal government,” said Joshua Treviño of the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a conservative think tank in Austin. “I don't think that Texas is gonna say, ‘Okay, it's done. I'm gonna wrap up Operation Lone Star.”

Abbott’s office did not respond to an interview request. He’s previously said the state will continue its border clampdown until there is a president in the White House who enforces immigration law. He’s also said the state won't stop its efforts until it has control of the border.

“The people who are in charge of bringing people across the border illegally are the drug cartels. The drug cartels haven’t closed out business, they haven’t gone away,” Abbott said in May in Eagle Pass. “We cannot relent in our security of the border.”

On Wednesday, Abbott told reporters that Trump will need time to bolster federal immigration enforcement and implement his border reforms, during which Texas must serve as a “stopgap.” He added that Texas “will have the opportunity to consider” repurposing Operation Lone Star money once Trump’s policies are in place.

Trump’s promised policies have the potential to upend the lives of millions in the state—as well as some big industries that rely on immigrant and migrant labor.

Immigrants account for roughly 18 percent of Texas’ population, but make up 40 percent of all employees in construction and a significant portion of workers in the oil and gas and mining industries, according to research papers published in September by the American Immigration Council, a Washington, D.C., group that advocates for immigrants.

“The impact that it could have on Texas could be monumental,” said Espinosa, of FIEL in Houston. “This could devastate a lot of industries here in Texas.”

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

Why Trump's 'Mass Deportation' Threat Is Just Another Bullying Lie

Why Trump's 'Mass Deportation' Threat Is Just Another Bullying Lie

Logistics is the reason Donald Trump will never, ever, even if he wins election and invokes the Alien and Sedition Act of 1798, be able to deport the 15 million, or 20 million, or 25 million undocumented immigrants – whatever the number he throws out seemingly according to his mood or state of mental deterioration.

Let’s take 20 million, the number in the middle, double the population of Los Angeles County, which occupies about 4,000 square miles.

Twenty million undocumented people means they are spread out over almost 4 million square miles. Do you know how big the continental U.S. is? It’s about 3,000 miles from Maine to Washington, and 1,700 miles from North Dakota to south Texas. Any way you look at it, the United States of America is big.

We know immigrants, undocumented and otherwise, live in every state, in large cities and small towns both. Most of them who are not children have jobs. They rent apartments and houses. They own cars. Their kids are in schools. Some of them even own businesses through partnerships with citizens or immigrants with documented status. Who knew a town in Ohio called Springfield had more than 100 Haitian immigrants before Trump and Vance began their lie-fest about immigrants kidnapping and eating neighbors’ pets? I sure didn’t.

I don’t know how many immigrants live in Dover, New Jersey, either, although I drove through there recently and discovered the town of 18,500 is a treasure trove of Mexican and Central American restaurants, so Dover must have quite a substantial immigrant population. Dover isn’t far from Morristown, New Jersey. I don’t know the immigrant population there, either, but I spent a night in a big hospital there recently, and just from that experience, I can tell you that the size of the immigrant population of Morristown is considerable.

So, Stephen “I’m chasing ‘em, boss, I’m chasing em’” Miller and his round ‘em up cowboys will be looking for their 20 million undocumented immigrants all over the place. Until now, at least, we haven’t been a “show me your papers” country. Even assuming they try to create a national requirement for some sort of domestic passport, that attempt will face countless legal challenges in federal and state courts, so that won’t be happening anytime soon. Which creates another obvious problem, that of distinguishing U.S. citizens from immigrants, and documented immigrants from undocumented ones.

Let’s assume that in the beginning, they are able to find a relatively large number of undocumented immigrants. What are they going to do with them? Sure, they have talked of building what amounts to concentration camps where they say the government will hold them until they can be deported. They did this before, remember, when they hastily threw up some wire-enclosed camps near the border, grabbed people coming across, and threw them into the camps, even separating parents from children and giving them plastic “space blankets” to sleep under on bare floors. At one point, they even had people fenced in under a freeway, out in the open, except for the shade provided by the overpass.

Their attempts then were haphazard and inhumane, and they might try the same thing again. Last time, however, it was just a few thousand people they captured right at the border and had to move only a few miles to the camps they threw up. This time they’re talking about rounding up 20 million people scattered throughout the whole country. If they were to make some sort of serious attempt, how would they do it? How would they move them? Where would they put the detainees, not only down near the border, but if and when they find large numbers in the center of the country, far from the border?

There is one organization in the United States with experience in moving large numbers of people from one place to another: the U.S. Army.

Let’s discuss what it takes to move, say, a brigade of 15,000 soldiers. The first thing you need to understand is that the organizational structure of this many soldiers is already in place. A brigade is broken down into three or four battalions. Each battalion has four companies of a hundred to two hundred soldiers. One of the companies, the headquarters company, is organized and trained for the purpose of doing things like mass movements.

The companies and battalions all have their own supply systems, including the ability to feed hundreds or thousands of soldiers during a move. They also have the vehicles necessary to move the soldiers and their equipment in trucks and personnel carriers, and they have the capability to house hundreds or even thousands of soldiers overnight or for more extended periods using tents and other temporary structures. The soldiers themselves carry the equipment for sleeping, such as ground pads and sleeping bags. They have the uniforms necessary to keep themselves warm in cold weather as well.

It is very, very difficult to move even 15,000 to 20,000 soldiers. It takes weeks of planning and preparation. All the equipment must be checked. All the vehicles must be in operating order. All the supplies necessary for the move such as gas, water, and food must be made ready. There will be breakdowns of vehicles and other equipment. Soldiers who can make necessary repairs must be present with all the tools and extra parts needed to effect the repairs.

The most important thing to realize about what I’m describing here is that this is about moving the soldiers themselves, and nobody else. If anyone who is not a soldier is included, every extra person takes extra effort and extra supplies and extra equipment. Even one additional person.

So, just to begin, for any immigrants Trump and his gaggle of brownshirts are able to find, starting on day one, they will have to be housed and fed. There will have to be vehicles in which to move them.

Trump and Vance and others have talked about “using the military” in some fashion to accomplish all their plans to round up immigrants. This is a fantasy. The military does not have domestic powers of arrest or imprisonment. Even when National Guard troops have been used along the border, it has been to supplement domestic law enforcement and border patrol agents. Soldiers are not empowered to arrest or detain for purposes of customs and immigration.

Trump has made noises of invoking the Alien and Sedition Act of 1798, the law that was used to place Japanese, Italian, and German immigrants in internment camps during World War II. That act, which has been widely condemned for its misuse during the 1940’s, creates a condition that this nation must be at war with enemy nations in order to be used. It also specifies that any “alien” must be served with an “order” to depart the country and given a time frame for this to happen, and only then can the “alien” be detained by a “marshal” reporting to the Secretary of State (!). If the “alien” is found to have violated the order, “upon conviction thereof” the “alien” can be imprisoned for a term not to exceed three years and then deported with no possibility of returning and seeking citizenship again.

No mention is made in the text of this terrible law of using the U.S. military as a police force to imprison and deport anyone who is not a citizen. And oddly, the Alien and Sedition Act appears to confer upon “aliens” many of the same rights immigrants have under our current immigration laws.

While Trump was in office, he was not able to use active duty, reserve, or National Guard soldiers as immigration cops on the border, and there is little reason to think that courts would allow the military to be used domestically for this purpose now.

But…let’s take a nightmare scenario…and assume that Trump somehow orders the military to be used in the “round up” and deportation scheme. Neither the active-duty army, reserves, or National Guard have the supplies and equipment necessary to do anything more than move themselves from one place to another.

Buses would need to be used to move undocumented immigrants. At 40 persons per bus, that would mean some 500,000 buses would be necessary to move 20 million people. There are about 500,000 school buses in this country that move school children to and from school every day. School buses amount to the largest transportation fleet in this country, but they are in use every day, and if Trump tried to commandeer them, chaos would result. I realize that “chaos” is Trump’s middle name, but not even Donald Trump is ready for what would happen if schools were shut down because school buses were somehow nationalized to move undocumented immigrants.

And who would drive them? A commercial license is necessary in most states to drive a bus. If Trump were to conscript school bus drivers to drive the school buses full of immigrants from, say, Nebraska to Texas or Arizona, they would have to be paid…and housed…and fed…and so on, and so on, and so on.

Do you see what we’re looking at here? Rounding up and deporting 20 million undocumented immigrants, even using the Alien and Sedition Act of 1798, would entail a logistical capability that not even the U.S. military has. It would entail, under that unthinkable law itself, the issuance of formal “orders” that under the language of the law would involve the Department of State, and then arrests of those not complying with the “order,” and then trial and conviction of violating the “order,” and then imprisonment, and then deportation.

We don’t have enough immigration courts and judges to handle the thousands of applications for asylum in the system right now. The backlog is at least part of the reason we have so many immigrants in this country with undocumented status waiting for hearings, appeals, hell, just waiting for paperwork. Congress has been asked repeatedly to increase the budget for more immigration courts and judges, and it hasn’t happened.

The words pipe and dream come to mind if you step back even a half-foot and consider Trump’s rhetoric about deporting undocumented immigrants. It may be red meat for the MAGA masses, but it’s as untethered from reality as his talk about Hannibal Lecter.

Lucian K. Truscott IV, a graduate of West Point, has had a 50-year career as a journalist, novelist, and screenwriter. He has covered Watergate, the Stonewall riots, and wars in Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan. He is also the author of five bestselling novels. You can subscribe to his daily columns at luciantruscott.substack.com and follow him on Twitter @LucianKTruscott and on Facebook at Lucian K. Truscott IV.

Sheriff Candidates In Both Parties Reject Trump's Mass Deportation Scheme

Sheriff Candidates In Both Parties Reject Trump's Mass Deportation Scheme

When Time national politics reporter Eric Cortellessa asked Donald Trump in April how he plans to carry out the "largest deportation operation in American history" if elected in November, the ex-president replied: "We will be using local law enforcement."

Local law enforcement candidates — both Democrats and the GOP candidates backed by Trump — in Miami-Dade County, Florida, told the Miami Herald in a recent interview that they don't plan to assist the former president with this plan.

"As far as I’m concerned, if the law stays the way it is, immigration stays in their lane and I stay in mine," Republican sheriff candidate and veteran police union boss John Rivera told the Florida newspaper.

The Miami Heraldreports:

A spokesperson for Trump’s campaign did not respond to the Herald’s request for comment on how he sees the role of local law enforcement in carrying out his mass-deportation promises. U.S. law states that federal officials can’t deputize state or local law enforcement officers to carry out the work of federal immigration officers without permission from the agency’s head — like, for example, a sheriff. But even the candidate endorsed by Trump in the race — Rosanna Cordero-Stutz — said that she would only be willing to help federal immigration agents in limited circumstances.

The newspaper also notes:

Currently, the county’s Democratic mayor, Daniella Levine Cava, oversees the Miami-Dade Police Department, which would become the county Sheriff’s Office in 2025. Florida rules also require partisan elections for sheriff, meaning Republican and Democratic voters will select their nominee for sheriff in the Aug. 20 primaries. Despite the partisan incentive of Republican candidates to align themselves with Trump, there’s a divide over immigration enforcement between the presumptive GOP nominee and Miami-Dade’s GOP sheriff candidates.

Candidates assert that participating in Trump's deportation ploy "would erode the community’s trust in law enforcement and pull officers away from their ultimate mission of ensuring public safety," the newspaper reports.

Florida Highway Patrol Trooper Joe Sanchez — who's also a GOP candidate — emphasized, "We’re not going to help the president on that one."

GOP candidate Jose Aragu added, "Quite frankly, I don’t think we have the time for that."

Reprinted with permission from Alternet


Danziger: Suffer These Little Children

Danziger: Suffer These Little Children

Jeff Danziger lives in New York City. He is represented by CWS Syndicate and the Washington Post Writers Group. He is the recipient of the Herblock Prize and the Thomas Nast (Landau) Prize. He served in the US Army in Vietnam and was awarded the Bronze Star and the Air Medal. He has published eleven books of cartoons and one novel. Visit him at DanzigerCartoons.com.

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