Tag: medicare expansion
To Win, The Democrats Need To Get Out Of Their Own Way

To Win, The Democrats Need To Get Out Of Their Own Way

As the nation's political press obsesses over the fate of the administration's Build Back Better proposal, nothing less than the ultimate success or failure of Joe Biden's presidency is said to be at stake. And yet here's the great paradox: taken separately, the elements of the Democrats' social spending proposals poll extremely well.

According to a recent CBS News poll, support for federal funding to reduce prescription drug prices is favored by 88 percent of American voters. Adding Medicare coverage of dental, eye and hearing polls at 84 percent. Another 73 percent back expanding paid family and medical leave. And 67 percent think that universal pre-kindergarten programs for three and four year olds are a good idea.

Similarly, more than two thirds of voters support tax increases on corporations and high-income individuals to pay for these reforms.

And yet, only ten percent of Americans—ten percent!—know that all of these elements are major parts of the Build Back Better bill Democrats have been haggling over for months. (Along with free community college tuition,, a $3600 tax credit for each child under six, a $3000 credit for kids between 7 and 18, and enhanced child nutrition programs.)

Yet only 36 percent believe the bill's passage would be good for their families, while another one-third believe they'd be hurt. A bit more than half want the Biden initiative to pass.

What Americans do know, partly because of the news media's relentless focus on the bottom line, is the White House bill's proposed $3.5 trillion cost. Most appear only dimly aware that's a ten year projection. In short, the voting public is at best lukewarm over Joe Biden's signature issue.

No wonder the bill has been on life support, along with, allegedly, the Biden presidency itself. No wonder too that the president's overall approval numbers are seen as anemic—although recent polls from CNN and Fox News placed his favorability at 50 percent, higher than his predecessor ever achieved.

CNN, for its part, has downplayed its own favorable numbers. Correspondents cherry-pick weaker poll results to keep Wolf Blitzer fully apprised of Washington insider conventional wisdom.

And how has it come to this? Partly, it's the habitual ignorance and inattention of the American public. People have only a vague idea of what they want, and no idea how to get it.

Partly too, it's the fault of congressional Republicans, and the accursed Senate filibuster—so determined to wage political war against a Democratic president that the administration was forced to combine its entire legislative agenda into a single, one-size-fits-all reconciliation bill to have any chance of passing. (Reconciliation bills can't be filibustered.)

Under "normal" political conditions, which we may never see again, Democrats could have passed a trillion dollar bipartisan infrastructure plan rebuilding roads, bridges, water and sewer lines, and high-speed internet, and then considered the component parts of the Build Back Better plan one or two at a time—Medicare improvements in one bill, child tax credits in another, etc.Instead, they decided that Mitch McConnell's determination to prevent any and all Democratic bills from coming to a Senate vote made bundling them into a single reconciliation bill the only way to pass anything.

The Biden White House agreed.

Media critic Eric Boehlert blames the Beltway news media for failing to enlighten the public. Writing on his Press Run"website, Boehlert argues that "as Democrats work to pass both a huge infrastructure bill and even bigger social spending bill, dubbed Build Back Better, the Beltway press continues to do a great job ignoring the contents of the historic effort. Focusing instead on its cost and obsessively documenting the vote-counting process, the press has walked away from its job of explaining legislation."

Washington Post columnist E.J. Dionne agrees, writing "the relentless focus on the single number of $3.5 trillion has left most Americans clueless about what Biden wants to do."

Up to a point, I agree. Also with Dionne's larger point that the Democratic party "needs to spend less time on cultural issues and more on fighting for direct benefits to the working and middle classes, a cause that unites voters across racial and regional lines."

But the real fault here isn't with the news media, it's with the White House's inexplicable failure to sell its plan. People don't know what's in the Build Back Better plan mainly because President Biden hasn't told them enough: simply, clearly and repeatedly. If you want the public to understand the legislation, you've got to tell them you're going to tell them, tell them, and then remind them you told them. Over and over until it sinks in.

But the bully pulpit has been vacant. It's incredible that Democrats have gotten suckered into talking about nothing but the ten-year price tag—as if $3.5 trillion were even comprehensible to people. It's as tone-deaf and self-destructive as "Defund the Police."

To succeed, Democrats will first need to get out of their own way.

Stupid But Lucky, Republicans Failed To Kill Obamacare Again

Stupid But Lucky, Republicans Failed To Kill Obamacare Again

They tried. Oh, they tried. Republicans spent a decade bashing and voting to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. And what did they get for all their trouble? A 7-2 ruling by a conservative Supreme Court to uphold the health insurance program also known as "Obamacare."

For that, Republicans should thank their lucky stars. There would have been unlovely consequences had they succeeded in killing a government program that secured health coverage for 23 million Americans.

Could it be that their attacks and thrusts to repeal the ACA were really just an act? Republicans passed several bills to do in the ACA during the Obama administration, resting assured that the former president would veto them.

After 2016, Republicans controlled the White House and both houses of Congress but still failed to deep-six the ACA. Republican John McCain famously stopped a serious repeal effort with his one vote in the Senate. Though pilloried for that, he had saved his party from having to deal with the inevitable fallout.

Targeting the ACA worked early on politically when the kinks were still being ironed out and the program was hard to explain. Once millions of Americans started experiencing the benefits, the tack turned to promises to put something better in its place.In 2016, Donald Trump ran for the presidency promising to replace Obamacare with "something terrific." As you know, nothing emerged.

One of the problems with offering to replace a popular program is that you really do have to come up with a replacement. There were (and remain) a few conservative health care experts ready to develop alternatives, but they have been largely ignored by the politicians.

With a few exceptions, Republicans simply aren't interested in doing the work on health care, which requires accepting trade-offs. There was all this talk, for example, about getting rid of funding for Obamacare but keeping coverage for preexisting conditions. An insurance market couldn't function if people could sign up for coverage after they've become sick and, therefore, expensive enrollees.

Where does the health care debate go from here?

Republicans have turned to a more specialized complaint centered on the "public option." This would be a government-run plan that competes with private offerings on the ACA Marketplace.

Texas Sen. Ted Cruz recently condemned a Democratic proposal as "a stepping stone toward a single-payer public option system, which would eliminate private health insurance." And the Senate Republican Policy Committee is peddling the notion that Democratic support for a public option is a push for a "fully government-run health system."

None of this is quite true. How a public option might affect private insurers would depend on how the public option is structured. (Sorry, everybody, but the details matter.)

The real problem with throwing thunderbolts at the public option is that Democratic leaders aren't currently pushing for one. They want to avoid a fight with insurers, providers and others who profit off the high cost of American health care.

And so, Democrats are focusing on the simple, easier stuff, such as lowering the eligibility age of Medicare, now 65, to something like 60. And they are addressing the scourge of outlandish prescription drug prices, something the Trump administration said it would do but didn't.

Of course, Congress should let Medicare negotiate for lower drug prices. Democrats have backed that for a long time, and lest we forget, so did Trump during his first presidential campaign.

Saved from taking the rap for strangling Obamacare, Republicans should know they have alternatives to nibbling at it on the edges. They could become deeply involved in developing a rational health care system that the ACA only got rolling. How 'bout it?

Follow Froma Harrop on Twitter @FromaHarrop. She can be reached at fharrop@gmail.com. To find out more about Froma Harrop and read features by other Creators writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators webpage at www.creators.com.

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