Tag: senate republicans
Ted Cruz

When Senate Republicans Claim To Support IVF, They're Lying

Democrats are expected to call for a vote Thursday on legislation that would protect access to in-vitro fertilization procedures. All 49 Republican senators have signed onto a letter supposedly signaling their support for IVF, but what the letter shows is that—just as they did on contraception—Republicans will vote to block this bill.

Because no matter what Republicans say, their intent is obvious in their actions. They mean to leave both contraception and IVF unprotected, subject to limitation by state laws now and a federal law later.

The vote on this bill comes a day after the conservative Southern Baptist Convention voted to oppose IVF at its annual meeting in Indianapolis. Almost five decades after a conservative takeover, the SBC has become the bellwether of right-wing politics. And the vote on Wednesday makes it clear: Republicans can’t be anti-abortion and pro-IVF because their opposition to abortion is rooted in an ideology that simply won’t allow it.

Republicans briefly showed a flurry of support for IVF following an Alabama court ruling that shut down the procedure on a state level in February. Recognizing the overwhelming popularity of the procedure, Republicans—including Donald Trump—hurried to express their support.

Sen. Ted Cruz spoke out in the Senate Judiciary Committee to say that “IVF is fully protected in law, it should be fully protected in law, and it will remain 100% fully protected in law.”

However, the Alabama case illustrated just how vulnerable IVF was to the whims of state legislature and local judges. And now that Cruz has a chance to make sure that IVF actually is fully protected by law, he’s expected to vote against it. Republicans already voted down a bill supporting nationwide access to IVF in February, and now they’re scrambling for a way to appease their rampantly anti-abortion base while protecting the very popular procedure. They are not going to find it.

Like every other Republican, Cruz will continue to pretend that since IVF is already legal, there’s no reason to vote to protect it, which purposely leaves IVF’s legality open to challenge.

What Republicans aren’t saying is that they have a very good reason to vote against the Democratic bill. The over 10,000 delegates at the SBC not only voted to oppose IVF, they also called on the 13 million members of their affiliated churches “to advocate for the government to restrain actions inconsistent with the dignity and value of every human being, which necessarily includes frozen embryonic human beings.”

If “frozen embryonic human beings” sounds ridiculous, that’s because it is. But the moral and legal basis of Republican opposition to abortion lies on the equally ridiculous idea that “life begins at conception.” That idea is irreconcilable with protecting IVF because it inevitably produces excess embryos that, at best, will stay eternally trapped in a deep freeze.

Republicans might have hoped that, having been handed their long-time dream of overturning Roe v. Wade, anti-abortion forces would remain ever satisfied (and ever willing to donate and work for Republican candidates). But that’s not how it’s working out.

After destroying Roe, their base still wants more. They want a national ban. They want to end birth control. And they want to end IVF.

The bill introduced by Democrats would not just protect IVF, but it would also help to make it more available and affordable.

Expect Republicans to block the bill on Thursday, while continuing to give limp statements of support to IVF.

But that support won’t last. "Life begins at conception" isn't just a slogan; it's something with far-ranging consequences that Republicans mean to enforce.

If Republicans get a chance to draft their national abortion ban, don’t expect it to be too different from the language used by the SBC this week in Indianapolis, frozen embryonic Americans and all.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

How Fox News Is Covering Up The GOP Plan To Ban Contraception And Abortion

How Fox News Is Covering Up The GOP Plan To Ban Contraception And Abortion

Last week provided a stark case study of how right-wing commentators are trying to conceal the stakes for reproductive rights in the 2024 presidential election. Apparently recognizing that an agenda of curbing access to contraception and abortion is deeply unpopular, they are trying to avoid raising the salience of the issue so that Donald Trump can get reelected and have the opportunity to take action.

On Wednesday Senate Republicans blocked the Right to Contraception Act, a bill that would “establish nationwide rights for individuals to ‘obtain contraceptives and to voluntarily engage in contraception’ and protect health care providers who offer it.” All but two GOP senators opposed the legislation, claiming that “it was unnecessary because the use of birth control is already protected under Supreme Court precedent.” But access to abortion was also subject to such protections until Trump’s justices overturned Roe v. Wade, after which right-wing commentators and conservative allies began calling for new restrictions on contraception. Trump himself suggested he was open to such limitations before backing away from the subject in April.

Fox News, the right-wing cable channel that serves as Trump’s propaganda arm, does not want to talk about that vote. The network devoted only 3 minutes to the contraception legislation on Wednesday — two discussions on flagship broadcast Special Report — compared to 17 minutes on CNN and 58 minutes on MSNBC.

That night, Fox host Sean Hannity passed on an opportunity to clear up Trump’s position on a related topic when he aired an interview with the former president. Trump has refused to reveal whether he supports proposals by anti-abortion activists to curtail medication abortion, either by reversing federal approvals for the drugs or enforcing a moribund statute banning their distribution through the mail.

But Hannity is a Trump shill who is much more concerned with ensuring Trump gets elected so he can restrict reproductive rights than he is in forcing the presumptive Republican nominee to publicly adopt an incredibly unpopular position that might prevent his election. He declined to ask Trump about the details of his position on the use and distribution of abortion medications, which Trump has been saying since a mid-April interview with Time was coming in “two weeks.” Instead, he teed up the former president to praise his own record of ensuring the end of Roe while offering false attacks on the Democrats’ position.

Hannity and his Fox colleagues, knowing that the right’s position on abortion is unpopular, have urged the Republican party to keep their messaging vague and to downplay the impact their policies might have. At the same time, they have praised Trump for obscuring his views.

They’ve also taken their own advice, frequently offering significantly less coverage of stories pertaining to reproductive rights than their mainstream news competitors. This year alone, for example:

  • Following Louisiana’s passage of legislation classifying the two most popular abortion pills as dangerous controlled substances in May, Fox did not air a single segment on the legislation. By contrast, CNN and MSNBC aired a combined 1 hour and 33 minutes of coverage of the legislation over the same six-day stretch.
  • In May, during the first full day of Florida’s implementation of a six-week abortion ban, Fox spent less than 1 minute covering the restrictive new policy.
  • Fox did not cover Trump’s medication abortion position in the weeks following his April interview with Time. CNN mentioned it twice, while MSNBC provided 7 minutes of coverage over 7 broadcasts.
  • In April, when an Arizona court revived a 160-year-old state law banning abortions under almost all circumstances, Fox covered the ruling for just 12 minutes that day, compared to 2 hours of airtime from CNN and 2 hours and 20 minutes of coverage on MSNBC.
  • In March, Fox covered the Supreme Court case that could affect access to abortion drug mifepristone nationwide for only 20 minutes in a 24-hour period while CNN spent over 1 hour on coverage and MSNBC devoted almost 4 hours to covering the case.
  • In February, Fox devoted less than 6 minutes of coverage over six days to an Alabama court ruling that frozen embryos are legally equivalent to children, even as state in vitro fertilization clinics stopped treatments in response.

Fox doesn’t want to talk about Republican plans to curtail reproductive rights. Fox wants Republicans to get elected so they can curtail reproductive rights.

Methodology

Media Matters searched transcripts in the SnapStream video database for all original programming on CNN, Fox News Channel, and MSNBC for either of the terms “Senate” or “Republican” or any variations of either of the terms “vote” or “Democrat” within close proximity of any of the terms “reproductive,” “abortion,” or “birth control” or any variations of the term “contraceptive” and also within close proximity of any of the terms “bill,” “legislation,” “law,” “measure,” “act,” “right,” “access,” or “effort” on June 5, 2024, when the U.S. Senate voted on the Right to Contraception Act.

We timed segments, which we defined as instances when the June 5, 2024, U.S. Senate vote on the Right to Contraception Act was the stated topic of discussion or when we found significant discussion of the vote. We defined significant discussion as instances when two or more speakers in a multitopic segment discussed the vote with one another.

We also timed mentions, which we defined as instances when a single speaker in a segment on another topic mentioned the Right to Contraception vote without another speaker engaging with the comment, and teasers, which we defined as instances when the anchor or host promoted a segment about the vote scheduled to air later in the broadcast.

We rounded all times to the nearest minute.

Reprinted with permission from Media Matters

Mitch McConnell

Senate Republicans Have A Candidate Quality Problem -- Again

Republicans failed to retake the Senate in the 2022 midterms, owing in large part to what GOP leader Mitch McConnell had identified before the election as a “candidate quality” problem. The strategy of running millionaire candidates who could self-fund and were handpicked by Donald Trump was a bust.

So did Republicans learn from that? Of course not.

The Senate map for 2024 is much more favorable for Republicans than in 2022, but in key battleground states and those with Democratic incumbents, GOP candidates are already trailing. Their hopes of picking off a vulnerable Democrat or two are complicated by that pesky “quality” problem yet again.

That could be part of the reason why Democrats are romping over their GOP opponents in fundraising so far, a fact that led Fox News’ Maria Bartiromo to take National Republican Senatorial Committee Chair Steve Daines to task.

“Just about every Democrat running in competitive Senate races significantly outraised their GOP challenger in the first quarter of the year,” Bartiromo said. “And if things are going so well, how come you’re not keeping up with fundraising?”

Why indeed? Let’s take a look at those GOP candidates to figure it out.

Kari Lake, Arizona

Where to begin with Arizona’s Kari Lake? The former local news anchor and former Obama supporter turned ultra-MAGA conspiracy theorist and election denier is the GOP front-runner in the July 30 primary to replace independent Sen. Kyrsten Sinema. She has already secured the endorsement of the Senate GOP’s campaign arm and has been embraced by Republican Senate leaders.

Lake spent much of 2023 declaring herself Arizona’s “lawful governor,” refusing to accept defeat to Democrat Katie Hobbs in the state’s gubernatorial election even as she was declaring her run for the Senate seat. She took her case challenging the use of electronic voting machines all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, where it was quickly dismissed.

Lake seems intent on self-sabotage, knowing that she has to at least make an effort to mend fences with the state’s establishment GOP and to appeal to moderates, but she’s quickly reverting to her old self by hanging out with white nationalists and tweeting paranoid musings that Hillary Clinton is plotting to kill her. She recently exhorted her supporters to “strap on a Glock” ahead of the 2024 elections because Democrats are “going to come after us with everything. That’s why the next six months is going to be intense.”

But nothing has been more damaging to Lake than her dizzying array of responses to the Arizona Supreme Court’s ruling to reinstate an 1864 abortion ban. Back in 2022, she applauded the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, saying she was “incredibly thrilled” that Arizona’s “great law that’s already on the books” could now be enforced.

Once the backlash to the decision kicked in, she wasn’t so keen on the old law.

“I oppose today's [state court] ruling,” she said, calling for state leaders to fix it.

Days later, she reversed her stance completely in an interview with a far-right media outlet in Idaho, bemoaning the fact that “the people running our state have said we're not going to enforce it.”

All of which is reportedly turning her from a Trump darling to a perceived liability. Multiple Trump insiders told The Washington Post last month that he’s worried that she’ll be a drag on his prospects for winning Arizona, and that she had been spending way too much time hanging around Mar-a-Lago.

Trump “gently suggested to Lake that she should leave the club and hit the campaign trail in Arizona, according to a person with direct knowledge of his comments,” the Post reported.

The GOP disillusionment with Lake isn’t limited to Trump. Senate GOP Leader Mitch McConnell pointedly left Arizona off of his list of states where Trump has a chance of winning, Politico reports. The McConnell-aligned Senate Leadership Fund, the primary GOP Senate super PAC, has begun making ad reservation buys in other states, but not Arizona.

At the end of last quarter, Democratic Rep. Ruben Gallego of Arizona had more than doubled Lake’s fundraising, with $7.5 million to her $3.6 million. There couldn’t be a stronger contrast to Lake than Gallego, who has been unwavering in his progressive politics from his first run for Congress a decade ago.

Tim Sheehy, Montana

On paper, Tim Sheehy is a Republican dream candidate. He’s got loads and loads of his own money, with a net worth of as much as $200 million. He’s a former Navy Seal. He built the aerial firefighting company Bridger Aerospace from the ground up. He owns a cattle ranch and has scrambled his way to the top. In his telling of his story, anyway.

“We bought our land, and we lived in a tent, literally, for months, and we built the barn that we lived in for four and a half years. And it was like bootstrap central,” Sheehy said in a podcast last fall, discussing how he built his Montana empire.

Except that when he says he “bootstrapped” his way to success—”I didn’t get a government loan, didn’t get a government handout”—he’s stretching the truth. In his own memoir, Sheehy details the hundreds of thousands of dollars he got from his wealthy parents and his brother, a financier in New York. His brother also helped him secure a deal with the Wall Street firm Blackstone Inc. to fund the $200 million acquisition of another company to grow his fleet of firefighting planes.

What’s more, the majority of income for Bridger Aerospace comes from government contracts. Sheehy’s company also took a $774,300 Paycheck Protection Program loan during the coronavirus pandemic, which he didn’t have to repay. He might not have started his business without government help—except for a Veterans Administration loan—but he’s sure profited from it.

So, not so much a rags to riches story for Sheehy. How about his status as a decorated war hero? That’s where it gets weird. Did Sheehy get shot by friendly fire in Afghanistan and not report it, still carrying the bullet in that old wound? Or is the bullet there because he mishandled his handgun—a big no-no in Montana’s gun culture—and shot himself on a visit to Glacier National Park? It’s not entirely clear. What is clear is that he’s been telling conflicting stories about it, as Montana Democrats helpfully illustrate.

Some part of what he’s said has to be a lie, both with that particular bullet wound as well as the service-involved injuries that he claims led to his medical discharge from the Navy. Again, the source that is contradicting Sheehy’s story is Sheehy’s own autobiography.

In campaign events and interviews, he’s said he “got wounded and injured a handful of times, so eventually was medically discharged from the military.”

In his book, however, Sheehy described facing the prospects of working a desk job until he healed up and could return to active duty, and instead choosing to leave. He also wrote that he was disillusioned by Obama-era “social initiatives” in the military, and that he “hated … the military’s constriction of your life and your path.”

So he either left voluntarily because he was tired of it, or the Navy discharged him as a wounded warrior.

Okay, his own varying histories as a Navy Seal might be a bit problematic, but at least he’s a cattle rancher. That might give him some traction against third-generation Montana dirt farmer, Democratic Sen. Jon Tester, right? Except for the part about how he’s one of the carpet-bagging millionaires who have flocked to Montana to gobble up huge tracts of land.

Sheehy spent his youth in a multimillion-dollar suburban lake house in Shoreview, Minnesota, which he used as his home address until 2016. So much for the story told to the Working Ranch Radio Podcast last fall about how he “grew up in rural Minnesota … in an old farmstead, and we were surrounded by farmland.”

That hollow appeal to rural Montana is not likely to paper over his potentially biggest sin. Sheehy’s Little Belt Cattle Company, which he has been expanding, contains prime elk-hunting ground that Montana hunters can’t access. Instead, he contracts with a hunting outfitter to bring in other super rich people on guided hunts that cost upward of $12,500 for five days. Not so much a ranch, then, as a wannabe cowboy fantasy island, complete with a gift shop.

Montana is a deep red state, where Trump won nearly 60 percent of the vote in 2020. But it’s also a place that demands authenticity and is particularly hostile to carpetbaggers. Daily Kos covered Tester’s first Senate campaign in 2006, when he was taking on powerful Republican incumbent Conrad Burns. Even though Burns had lived in Montana for 40 years—and been a senator for 18 of them—Montanans regularly talked about the fact that Burns was really from Missouri, and therefore not a Montanan at all.

A rhinestone cowboy from Minnesota who’s gobbling up Montana’s land and has a penchant for exaggerating the truth might have a rocky road from here to November.

David McCormick, Pennsylvania

Speaking of ultra-wealthy carpetbaggers, let’s talk about David McCormick. One would think that after 2022, when Pennsylvania rejected the millionaire transplant from New Jersey, Mehmet Oz, in favor of Democrat John Fetterman, the GOP would reconsider its approach to choosing candidates. Nope. Despite losing in the 2022 primary to Oz, McCormick is back, and so is his baggage.

After Oz lost, McCormick determined it was because the New Jersey millionaire is out of touch.

“People want to know that the person that they’re voting for ‘gets it,’” he said last spring. “And part of ‘getting it’ is understanding that you just didn’t come in yesterday.”

McCormick might be a Pennsylvanian by birth, but even now, in the midst of a second bid for the seat, the multimillionaire doesn’t live in the state, according to the Associated Press. In fact, he hadn’t voted in Pennsylvania for 16 years before his 2022 run.

Though he does own a $2.8 million home in Pittsburgh, he’s living in a rented mansion in Westport, Connecticut. The $16 million property, AP reports, “features a 1,500-bottle wine cellar, an elevator, and a ‘private waterfront resort’ overlooking Long Island Sound.”

That part of the state is known as the Gold Coast and has “one of the densest concentrations of wealth in America.”

McCormick also admits to conducting his campaign largely on the road.

“I am spending half my time with donors,” McCormick told students at the Tuck School of Business, according to audio obtained by the progressive news site Heartland Signal. “So, I’m everywhere across the country, mostly with really wealthy people, where you will all be in 20 years. Or many of you. And I also spend half my time in Pennsylvania, where the median income is $55-60K.”

While McCormick claims Pennsylvania native status, his personal history in the state has undergone some revisions, as Daily Kos Elections recently noted. In his first run in 2022, he claimed that he "started with nothing” as a Pennsylvania farm kid whose father was a humble teacher, a claim he reiterated this year in a tweet responding to a New York Times report about his privileged childhood.

Yes, there is a family farm, which has been rented out for the past few decades. But his father served as president of what's now Bloomsburg University and later became chancellor of higher education systems in both Pennsylvania and Minnesota. The family lived in the “president’s sprawling hilltop residence, which students called the president’s mansion,” the Times reported.

Today, McCormick and his wife Dina Powell, a former Trump administration official who had also been a partner at Goldman Sachs, have a combined net worth of between $61.6 and $183.6 million, according to the AP.

A good chunk of their millions can be attributed to McCormick’s tenure as the president and CEO of the world’s largest hedge fund, Bridgewater Associates, from 2009 to 2022. While serving as a treasury official in the George W. Bush administration, McCormick and Bridgewater founder Ray Dalio formed a cozy relationship as Dalio was setting himself up for a big win in the upcoming financial crisis, during which he made $780 million.

Tens of thousands of Pennsylvanians lost their jobs and homes in that crisis, but McCormick landed nicely in his new gig at Bridgewater, which had healthy profits even while other funds were suffering significant losses.

“You look at it right now, there are still pension funds that have not gotten fully back. There are hundreds and hundreds of thousands of union members whose pensions were literally wiped out or were taken to the point where they’re still not back. People are still struggling from that day,” Darrin Kelly, President of the Allegheny/Fayette County Labor Council told The Keystone.

Democratic incumbent Bob Casey Jr. is making sure Pennsylvanians know this about McCormick.

“He doesn’t live in Pennsylvania. He lied about living in Pennsylvania. We know that, and he continues to try to make that case that he’s living here,” Casey told supporters in April. “So here’s a candidate who’s an out-of-state candidate being supported by out of state billionaires. We don’t want a senator like that.”

Eric Hovde, Wisconsin

This one is on Mitch McConnell, who handpicked multimillionaire bank owner Eric Hovde, another self-funder, to take on Democrat Tammy Baldwin in November. Wisconsin’s primary isn’t until August, but Hovde is clearly the front-runner, thanks in no small part to all of that money, as The Nation delineates.

Hovde is very rich. In addition to serving as chairman and CEO of Utah-based Sunwest Bank, which has at least $2.7 billion in assets, he’s the president and CEO of H. Bancorp, a holding company that hails itself as “a $2.9 billion multibank holding company providing banking solutions to small and middle market businesses across the United States.” He’s also the president and CEO of Hovde Capital Advisors, LLC, an asset management group, and president, CEO, and chief investment officer of Hovde Private Equity Advisors, LLC, a private equity firm. And he’s CEO of Hovde Properties, a real estate development company with a substantial portfolio of commercial and residential buildings.

Despite having been born and raised in Wisconsin, Hovde’s current home is actually in California—a $7 million oceanfront mansion in Laguna Beach where he has an easy commute to his bank offices for what he calls “my main business.” Wisconsin Democrats have had a lot of fun with that:

Beyond being a filthy rich Californian, Hovde has been having a hard time keeping his foot out of his mouth. For example, he proclaimed on a radio show in April that people in nursing homes shouldn’t be voting, which feeds on the debunked Trump election fraud conspiracy theory stemming from the 2020 election.

“Well, if you’re in a nursing home, you only have five, six months life expectancy. Almost nobody in a nursing home is at a point to vote, and you had … adult children showing up and saying, ‘who voted for my 85- or 90-year-old father or mother?’” Hovde said.

Given the opportunity to clear that gaffe up in a later interview, Hovde doubled down, while insisting that he never said elderly people shouldn’t be voting, but that they are “totally incapable.”

“They either have dementia or at the very end stage of their life, they’re not capable of voting … a large percentage of those people are not in that mental capacity to do that,” he said.

That’s a fine attitude for someone who owns an assisted living and memory care facility, also in California. Last month, The New York Timesreported that his Sunwest bank has been named a co-defendant in a lawsuit against the Claremont Hacienda in Los Angeles County. The suit brought by the family of a deceased resident alleges elder abuse, negligence, and wrongful death.

Sunwest Bank is identified in the suit as one of the “owners, officers, administrators, managers, and/or members” of the facility. It might be a tenuous connection to Hovde himself, but his attitude toward older voters makes it an issue.

It isn’t just the elderly Hovde has a history of insulting. In an unsuccessful primary Senate run in 2012, Hovde said that people living with obesity have made a “personal choice” and should face the “consequence” of paying more for their healthcare.

He also attacked single mothers and low-income people by saying that they’re responsible for a breakdown of the country “socially and morally,” arguing that providing economic support for these families has to end.

Lawmakers should “do everything we can to support the family unit, and we have to stop government policies that reward those that are having children out of wedlock and harming people that are having children in marriage,” he said in a 2012 debate.

In 2016, Hovde showed he’s an equal opportunity misanthrope by bashing both women and men, but still succeeded in being anachronistically sexist.

“Most of the country, sadly, doesn’t know what the heck is going on … I like to say, sadly, with females, they spend too much time with what’s going on in Hollywood,” he said. “And with males, they engross themselves too much with sports. And now it’s not just sports, it’s fantasy sports.”

With all of that in mind, it isn’t surprising that Hovde has a history of making antisemitic slurs and embracing antisemitic conspiracy theories, according to a May 19 report by the Israeli news outlet Haaretz.

The Wisconsin Independent followed up on that report, citing Hovde’s repeated use of the dog-whistle word “shyster” during a 2023 Republican Women of Dane County luncheon and his embrace of the Great Reset conspiracy theory that arose out of the coronavirus pandemic.

In 2020, the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, called for countries to “act jointly and swiftly to revamp all aspects of our societies and economies, from education to social contracts and working conditions.”

“The Davos crowd, there’s no question they want the Great Reset,” Hovde has said about that conference. “They’re so blatant and open about it, they talk about it now. And they do believe that we want one central world government.”

“You know, people say, ‘Oh, that sounds [like a] conspiracy,’ [but] they’re very open about it and their whole views—and it’s a push toward socialism. It benefits the very elite in a global world order.”

In a 2020 article explaining the theory, the Anti-Defamation League said that “adherents warn that ‘global elites’ will use the pandemic to advance their interests and push forward a globalist plot to destroy American sovereignty and prosperity.”

“As is so often the case with conspiracy theories, one can find antisemitic sentiments in the Great Reset, with some believers going so far as to accuse Jews of orchestrating the plot or invoking George Soros and the Rothschild family,” the ADL explained.

At this rate, Hovde will have insulted just about every group of Wisconsin voters by the time the primary rolls around.

Meanwhile, Democrat Tammy Baldwin is handily outpacing Hovde in the money race. While he has plenty of his own money, he doesn’t have much in the way of appeal.

These are the marquee races the GOP is counting on to flip the Senate, with candidates chosen and favored by Trump and McConnell. Democrats can thank the gods for the favor of Republicans equating personal wealth with quality when it comes to vetting.

Keeping the Senate won’t be a cakewalk for Democrats in 2024, but this quartet of misfits will help.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

McConnell

Raging Battles Over Trump And Debt Ceiling Split GOP Senate Leadership

Percolating behind the scenes of the spectacular House Republican train wreck is a Senate Republican battle royal over leadership of the conference that promises to drag out over the next couple of years.

Sen. Rick Scott of Florida, who already lost one bid last November to unseat Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, plans to continue nipping at the longtime leader's heels despite only garnering 10 votes to McConnell's 37 last fall.

Echoing Donald Trump's perennial criticism of McConnell, Scott told The Hill he's "tired of caving" on raising the debt limit and plans to lobby against McConnell making a deal with Democrats to avert a GOP-manufactured economic meltdown.

“I’m not going to back down,” Scott told The Hill.

Scott's declaration comes in the wake of news that McConnell ousted him and Sen. Mike Lee of Utah from their powerful positions on the Senate Commerce Committee, where they have sought to block agreement on fundamental congressional business—such as keeping the government's lights on. Specifically, Scott took aim at the $1.7 trillion year-end spending package that funds the federal government through September and ultimately passed with 18 votes from Senate Republicans.

Lee tried to torpedo the $1.7 trillion bill by offering an anti-migrant poison pill amendment aimed at reinstating Title 42. Trump also jumped into the fray, releasing a video urging "every single Republican" to vote against the spending package.

McConnell eventually hailed the passage of the bill as a win for Republicans because it increased defense spending above the rate of inflation while nondefense, non-veteran spending increased below that rate of inflation.

Scott and Lee are both part of a pro-Trump Senate GOP group that is promising to dog McConnell throughout the coming cycle. Ejecting them from the Commerce Committee sends a clear signal to other Senate MAGA enthusiasts—Sens. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, Ted Cruz of Texas, Mike Braun of Indiana, Rand Paul of Kentucky, and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina—that kicking up too much dust will come with consequences.

On the other hand, Scott and Lee have very little to lose now by becoming perpetual thorns in McConnell's side—which, frankly, they would have been anyway.

In April 2021, Scott pushed a policy through the Senate Republican Conference stating their opposition to any debt-ceiling increases unless they were accompanied by "cuts in federal spending of an equal or greater amount" or otherwise "meaningful structural reform.”

Last month, Scott and Lee spearheaded a letter to President Biden signed by a total of 24 Senate Republicans who pledged to stick by that Senate GOP policy.

Scott, at the urging of Trump, spent much of the 2022 cycle attempting to poke holes in McConnell's armor. While boosting his fundraising network as chief of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Scott also released an 11-point plan promising to raise taxes on tens of millions while sunsetting Social Security and Medicare. It was a polling disaster, and McConnell devoted a lot of energy to shooting the plan down so it wouldn't kneecap Senate Republicans' effort to retake the upper chamber.

Now it's clear that the McConnell-Scott skirmish is anything but settled in what will continue to be the biggest challenge to McConnell’s leadership position since he assumed the post in 2007.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos.

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